{"id":65309,"date":"2002-10-27T00:00:00","date_gmt":"2002-10-27T00:00:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/2002\/10\/27\/mode-demploi-comment-se-ferait-une-eventuelle-reconciliation-usa-allemagne-germanys-fence-menders-at-work-par-viola-herms-drath\/"},"modified":"2002-10-27T00:00:00","modified_gmt":"2002-10-27T00:00:00","slug":"mode-demploi-comment-se-ferait-une-eventuelle-reconciliation-usa-allemagne-germanys-fence-menders-at-work-par-viola-herms-drath","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/2002\/10\/27\/mode-demploi-comment-se-ferait-une-eventuelle-reconciliation-usa-allemagne-germanys-fence-menders-at-work-par-viola-herms-drath\/","title":{"rendered":"<strong><em>Mode d&#8217;emploi : Comment se ferait une \u00e9ventuelle r\u00e9conciliation USA-Allemagne, \u2014  \u00abGermany&rsquo;s fence menders at work\u00bb, par Viola Herms Drath <\/em><\/strong>"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><h3>Mode d&#8217;emploi : Comment se ferait une \u00e9ventuelle r\u00e9conciliation USA-Allemagne,   \u00ab Germany&rsquo;s fence menders at work \u00bb, par Viola Herms Drath <\/h3>\n<\/p>\n<p><\/p>\n<p><p>\tCe texte doit \u00eatre consid\u00e9r\u00e9 avec le plus grand int\u00e9r\u00eat, comme un de ces textes \u00e0 plusieurs cl\u00e9s, \u00e0 plusieurs \u00e9tages, un de ces textes qu&rsquo;il faut lire entre les lignes pour bien le comprendre, comme il fallait, <em>in illo tempore<\/em>, pour tout bon communiste et autre idiot utile, savoir lire la <em>Pravda<\/em> entre les paragraphes (lecture assommante jusqu&rsquo;au troisi\u00e8me paragraphe, int\u00e9ressante \u00e0 partir du 4e car c&rsquo;est dans celui-l\u00e0 que le Parti glisse ses consignes). En effet, ce texte est arch\u00e9typique de la fa\u00e7on dont fonctionne l&#8217;empire avec ses vassaux, par l&rsquo;interm\u00e9diaire de ses relais indispensables, dans la presse ou ailleurs. D&rsquo;autre part, il nous donne une bonne indication de la position de Schr\u00f6der par rapport \u00e0 Washington, dans la perspective de sa brouille depuis la campagne \u00e9lectorale o\u00f9 le chancelier a pris violemment position contre la politique irakienne de GW. <\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\tIl s&rsquo;agit d&rsquo;<a href=\"http:\/\/www.washtimes.com\/commentary\/20021009-52727303.htm\" class=\"gen\">un texte paru dans le Washington Times du 10 octobre,<\/a> de Viola Herms Drath, sous le titre \u00e9vocateur de \u00ab <em>Germany&rsquo;s fence menders at work<\/em> \u00bb. Le th\u00e8me est : comment r\u00e9concilier le chancelier Schr\u00f6der avec le Centre, moyennant au bout du compte, pr\u00e9cise Herms Drath non sans le sens des nuances, un \u00ab <em>personal amends without kowtowing<\/em> \u00bb,  que nous traduirions, si l&rsquo;on comprend bien, par une \u00e9quivalence du genre de acte de contrition personnel sans n\u00e9cessit\u00e9 de s&rsquo;humilier. Ce dernier point retiendra \u00e0 nouveau notre attention, un peu plus loin, tant il \u00e9claire l&rsquo;extraordinaire psychologie aujourd&rsquo;hui en action dans les milieux dirigeants de la Grande R\u00e9publique de GW.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\tViola Herms Drath, qui publie r\u00e9guli\u00e8rement dans le Washington <em>Times<\/em>, est identifi\u00e9e comme \u00e0 la fin de son article comme \u00ab <em>a trustee and member of the executive committee of the National Committee on American Foreign Policy<\/em> \u00bb. Elle est aussi correspondante diplomatique du <em>Handelsblatt<\/em> et membre influente de la GABA, ou <em>German-Ameriucan Business Association<\/em>. (La GABA, fond\u00e9e en 1990, comprend des membres allemands et am\u00e9ricains,  parmi ces derniers, nombre d&rsquo;anciens g\u00e9n\u00e9raux qui command\u00e8rent l&rsquo;U.S. Army en Europe, au quartier-g\u00e9n\u00e9ral d&rsquo;Heidelberg. Il s&rsquo;agit d&rsquo;un groupe de pression germano-am\u00e9ricain, orient\u00e9 vers les \u00e9changes commerciaux et industriels et politiquement tr\u00e8s conservateurs et de tendance atlantiste.) Pour r\u00e9sumer, on dira que la personne et son <em>curiculum vitae<\/em> sont exemplaires des relais existant pour les contact officieux entre Washington et ces alli\u00e9s qui lui sont particuli\u00e8rement oblig\u00e9s. VFD (pour faire bref) peut parler (\u00e9crire) en r\u00e9percutant l&rsquo;opinion et les pr\u00e9occupations de milieux, essentiellement d&rsquo;affaires, particuli\u00e8rement soucieux que les liens entre les USA et l&rsquo;Allemagne se poursuivent comme ils ont exist\u00e9 depuis 1945-48.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\tCi-dessous, on r\u00e9sume ce que dit l&rsquo;article de VFD concernant les conditions, la marche \u00e0 suivre, le mode d&#8217;emploi d&rsquo;une \u00e9ventuelle r\u00e9conciliation Schr\u00f6der-GW. <\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t&bull; Il y, depuis la fin septembre, un mobilisation d&rsquo;Allemands de tous bords en visite \u00e0 washington pour remettre en selle les relations germano-am\u00e9ricaines. (\u00ab <em>Few people may have noticed the invasion of high- powered German politicians of all stripes and colors<\/em> \u00bb,  ceci \u00e0 Washington, bien s\u00fbr.)<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t&bull; La prochaine possible visite de Joshka Fischer est annonc\u00e9e comme un \u00e9v\u00e9nement important pour couronner cette offensive de r\u00e9conciliation. Fischer a montr\u00e9 dans le pass\u00e9 des dispositions tr\u00e8s grandes pour cette sorte d&rsquo;activit\u00e9 ; ses rapports avec Madeleine Albright, notamment pendant la guerre du Kosovo, ont stup\u00e9fait certains de ses coll\u00e8gues europ\u00e9ens par sa capacit\u00e9 de souplesse et d&rsquo;accommodement devant les exigences US. Pourtant, depuis la publication de cet article, rien de nouveau dans le sens esp\u00e9r\u00e9 par VFD sur le front des activit\u00e9s de Fischer.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t&bull; Il y a peu de diff\u00e9rences entre l&rsquo;Allemagne et les USA sur l&rsquo;\u00e9valuation qui est faite de la menace pos\u00e9e par Saddam, et les Allemands trouveraient injuste d&rsquo;\u00eatre mis \u00e0 l&rsquo;index comme ils le sont. (\u00ab <em>While the debate about the merits and demerits of the use of force in a pre-emptive first strike against the menacing dictator of Iraq and its internationally precedent-setting consequences are under discussion in Congress and the United Nations, the Germans find it unfair to be singled out as ingrates for taking a position shared by other nations.<\/em> \u00bb)<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t&bull; VFD va jusqu&rsquo;\u00e0 admettre que les Am\u00e9ricains portent bien des responsabilit\u00e9s dans cette affaire ; elle rappelle que, dans ses rapports avec ses vassaux, Washington doit tout de m\u00eame laisser \u00e0 ceux-ci une certaine libert\u00e9 ; Washington doit montrer \u00ab <em>an enlightened multilateralism<\/em> \u00bb et laisser \u00e0 ses vassaux la jouissance d&rsquo;un \u00ab <em> reasonable national self-interest<\/em> \u00bb, ce qui serait une sorte de souverainet\u00e9 limit\u00e9e \u00e0-la-Brejnev revue par GW : \u00ab <em>Clearly, Washington has been overreacting. Even a superpower would benefit from an enlightened multilateralism. What is meant by this is a nothing less than a tolerance of reasonable national self-interest.<\/em> \u00bb<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t&bull; On notera ce message certainement am\u00e9ricain : \u00ab <em> Calibrating all these positive factors, the agile Social Democrat chose the \u00a0\u00bbGerman way.\u00a0\u00bb And it will be interesting to observe the results when Germany takes over the temporary presidency of the U.N. Security Council in February 2003.<\/em> \u00bb Cela signifie qu&rsquo;un jugement ultime serait port\u00e9 par les Am\u00e9ricains sur la docilit\u00e9 allemande durant la pr\u00e9sidence allemande du Conseil de S\u00e9curit\u00e9.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t&bull; Mais, finalement, tout revient \u00e0 ceci, qui est un acte d&rsquo;all\u00e9geance renouvel\u00e9e demand\u00e9 \u00e0 Schr\u00f6der lui-m\u00eame : \u00ab <em>Better than anybody else, the chancellor knows that personal amends without kowtowing will have to be made to George Bush and that nobody but the chancellor can make them.<\/em> \u00bb Les conditions mises en \u00e9vidence dans cette courte phrase refl\u00e8tent l&rsquo;intensit\u00e9 de la brouille, l&rsquo;intensit\u00e9 des exigences am\u00e9ricaines, surtout leur caract\u00e8re passionnel. Il s&rsquo;agit d&rsquo;une exigence de quelque chose qui ressemble \u00e0 une contrition personnelle, avec toute la dimension d&rsquo;humiliation personnelle que cela implique. Bonne indication, ou plut\u00f4t confirmation \u00e9clairante du climat r\u00e9gnant \u00e0 Washington.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\tDepuis la publication de ce texte, les choses ont quelque peu \u00e9volu\u00e9. La position am\u00e9ricaine, dont VFD nous laisse entendre qu&rsquo;elle est tr\u00e8s dure, rend tr\u00e8s difficile une r\u00e9conciliation dans les termes exig\u00e9s par les Am\u00e9ricains. D&rsquo;autre part, Schr\u00f6der a trouv\u00e9, dans sa nouvelle proximit\u00e9 avec la France, une position alternative qui peut s&rsquo;av\u00e9rer int\u00e9ressante, puisque la France est par ailleurs leader de la r\u00e9sistance aux pr\u00e9tentions am\u00e9ricaines et que le statut de puissance des USA s&rsquo;est trouv\u00e9e diminu\u00e9e \u00e0 cause des avatars rencontr\u00e9s \u00e0 l&rsquo;ONU.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\tDans tous les cas, la poursuite de la crise irakienne rend difficile la r\u00e9conciliation. Effectivement, la pr\u00e9sidence du Conseil de S\u00e9curit\u00e9 par l&rsquo;Allemagne sera int\u00e9ressante \u00e0 suivre. Il n&rsquo;est plus du tout assur\u00e9 qu&rsquo;elle montre la docilit\u00e9 retrouv\u00e9e des Allemands qu&rsquo;exigent les Am\u00e9ricains. Auparavant, on aura une id\u00e9e du climat au sommet de l&rsquo;OTAN \u00e0 Prague, o\u00f9 Vaclav Havel, autre commissionnaire z\u00e9l\u00e9, s&rsquo;activera \u00e0 essayer de rapprocher Schr\u00f6der de GW (et non pas Schr\u00f6der et GW, il est entendu que l&rsquo;effort doit aller dans un seul sens).<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><\/p>\n<p><p>\t[Ci-dessous, nous reproduisons le texte de FVD publi\u00e9 par le Washington <em>Times<\/em>. Il va de soi que ce texte doit \u00eatre lu avec la mention classique \u00e0 l&rsquo;esprit,  <em>Disclaimer: In accordance with 17 U.S.C. 107, this material is distributed without profit or payment to those who have expressed a prior interest in receiving this information for non-profit research and educational purposes only.<\/em>]<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><\/p>\n<h2 class=\"common-article\">Germany&rsquo;s fence menders at work<\/h2>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t<strong>Par Viola Herms Drath, publi\u00e9 dans le Washington Times du 10 octobre 2002<\/strong><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><\/p>\n<p><p>\tFew people may have noticed the invasion of high- powered German politicians of all stripes and colors. All of them here to mend German-American relations, jettisoned by re-elected Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder&rsquo;s deplorable phrasing of his disapproval of a war against Iraq as an American \u00a0\u00bbadventure.\u00a0\u00bb He vowed not to support it, even if sanctioned by the United Nations. It helped him win the election. But it also earned him the wrath of the White House charging him with poisoning the \u00a0\u00bbspecial\u00a0\u00bb relationship.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\tNow leading victorious Social Democrats, joined by the defeated conservative Christian Democrats, Christian Social Unionists and liberal free Democrats, are on an extensive fence-mending expedition. Together they hope to convince members of Congress, the State Department, Pentagon and Commerce Department that German-American relations should not be impaired by linkage to Mr. Schroeder&rsquo;s antiwar position.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\tAmong the many high-profile damage controllers from Berlin are two former defense ministers, the Bavarian minister of economics with an entourage of more than a dozen industrialists in tow, a former minister of economics and a German-American coordinator for former Chancellor Helmut Kohl.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\tTheir input is to be enhanced by the arrival of Mr. Schroeder&rsquo;s popular Foreign Minister Joschka Fischer, whose Green Party actually won the election for the Social Democrats. Mr. Fischer let it be known that \u00a0\u00bbGermany&rsquo;s reliability as an ally is not open to question.\u00a0\u00bb Despite current disagreements about the best way to deal with the Iraq crisis. he asserts , \u00a0\u00bbGerman policy has not changed.\u00a0\u00bb<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\tAs the German ambassador to this country recently stated, there are no differences of the assessment of Saddam Hussein and his possession of weapons of mass destruction. However, given the fight against al Qaeda and the Taliban, the Middle East crisis and the unfinished business if Afghanistan, there are differing approaches to timing and priority.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\tThe Germans find themselves in an awkward position. Known and feared as a militaristic nation that was to be neutralized and \u00a0\u00bbkept down\u00a0\u00bb by the inclusion in NATO, and often ridiculed for its love of uniforms, goose-stepping soldiers and snappy salutes, Germany now has to defend itself against reproaches of its government&rsquo;s antiwar position. This administration seems to have forgotten that Germany&rsquo;s decision to built up its armed forces exclusively as an instrument of defense after World War II had been devised under Washington&rsquo;s guidance.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\tWhile the debate about the merits and demerits of the use of force in a pre-emptive first strike against the menacing dictator of Iraq and its internationally precedent-setting consequences are under discussion in Congress and the United Nations, the Germans find it unfair to be singled out as ingrates for taking a position shared by other nations. Not without a fierce constitutional battle, unified Germany has been making its contribution to the war in the Balkans. It is training the new police force in Kabul. It supports Washington&rsquo;s approach to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and has performed well in the war against terrorism.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\tClearly, Washington has been overreacting. Even a superpower would benefit from an enlightened multilateralism. What is meant by this is a nothing less than a tolerance of reasonable national self-interest.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\tIt is ironic that Mr. Schroeder&rsquo;s aggressive campaign rhetoric has been compounded by his justice minister&rsquo;s insulting comparison of President Bush&rsquo;s supposed diversionary tactics with Adolf Hitler&rsquo;s methods, when the master of diversion, Mr. Schroeder, was looking over the critical lady&rsquo;s shoulder. Because of Germany&rsquo;s failing economy, 4 million job-seekers and an increase of bankruptcies by 10 percent costing 134,000 jobs, Mr. Schroeder&rsquo;s re-election chances had dropped out of sight.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\tThen the floods boosted his image as a leader with great social compassion. He established a fund of 7.1 billion euros to aid the victims, along with another billion from the department of transportation and another 1.2 billion from the European Union.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\tAt the same time, he surprised everybody with a magic blueprint for economic recovery that purported to halve unemployment within three years. All that helped. But the breakthrough came when he, sizing up the political climate, joined the forces opposing war on Iraq, forces by the Greens  his coalition partner.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\tThe gamble paid off. While his party lost votes and pulled even with the paltry 38.5 percent garnered by the conservatives, the Greens outperformed the Free Democrats with 8.6 percent to 7.4 percent and won the contest.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\tMr. Schroeder rules with a thin majority of four parliamentary votes and is vulnerable to a vote of no confidence that could topple him any time. He is a risk taker. Well aware of affronting George Bush, who had been none too pleased with his Berlin reception that was marred by massive demonstrations last May, Mr. Schroeder chanced a rift with Washington he considered to be bridgeable. His assessment was based on the solidity of the more than half-century-old relationship  and its common values and virtues, its mutual economic and political interests.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\tThe trade figures, amounting to an annual $350 billion with the EU, were robust. Investments in both directions were high, with half of German foreign investments flowing to the U.S. and, to nobody&rsquo;s surprise, the biggest foreign investments made by Americans in East Germany&rsquo;s new Laender, or constituent states.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\tCalibrating all these positive factors, the agile Social Democrat chose the \u00a0\u00bbGerman way.\u00a0\u00bb And it will be interesting to observe the results when Germany takes over the temporary presidency of the U.N. Security Council in February 2003.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\tBetter than anybody else, the chancellor knows that personal amends without kowtowing will have to be made to George Bush and that nobody but the chancellor can make them.<\/p><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Mode d&#8217;emploi : Comment se ferait une \u00e9ventuelle r\u00e9conciliation USA-Allemagne, \u00ab Germany&rsquo;s fence menders at work \u00bb, par Viola Herms Drath Ce texte doit \u00eatre consid\u00e9r\u00e9 avec le plus grand int\u00e9r\u00eat, comme un de ces textes \u00e0 plusieurs cl\u00e9s, \u00e0 plusieurs \u00e9tages, un de ces textes qu&rsquo;il faut lire entre les lignes pour bien le&hellip;&nbsp;<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"","ping_status":"","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"neve_meta_sidebar":"","neve_meta_container":"","neve_meta_enable_content_width":"","neve_meta_content_width":0,"neve_meta_title_alignment":"","neve_meta_author_avatar":"","neve_post_elements_order":"","neve_meta_disable_header":"","neve_meta_disable_footer":"","neve_meta_disable_title":"","footnotes":""},"categories":[4],"tags":[2748,3198,3171,2804],"class_list":["post-65309","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-notes-de-lectures","tag-allemagne","tag-gw","tag-schroder","tag-usa"],"jetpack_featured_media_url":"","_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/65309","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=65309"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/65309\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=65309"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=65309"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=65309"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}