{"id":65350,"date":"2002-11-23T00:00:00","date_gmt":"2002-11-23T00:00:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/2002\/11\/23\/les-a-cote-de-prague\/"},"modified":"2002-11-23T00:00:00","modified_gmt":"2002-11-23T00:00:00","slug":"les-a-cote-de-prague","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/2002\/11\/23\/les-a-cote-de-prague\/","title":{"rendered":"<strong><em>Les \u00e0-c\u00f4t\u00e9 de Prague<\/em><\/strong>"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><h2 class=\"common-article\">Les \u00e0 c\u00f4t\u00e9 de Prague<\/h2>\n<\/p>\n<p><\/p>\n<p><p>\t22 novembre 2002  A c\u00f4t\u00e9 des \u00e9v\u00e9nements officiels du sommet de l&rsquo;OTAN \u00e0 Prague, notamment les rapports entre alli\u00e9s, il y a eu des interpr\u00e9tations et des commentaires tr\u00e8s exemplaires du climat qui a accompagn\u00e9 ce sommet.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\tMention particuli\u00e8re doit \u00eatre faite d&rsquo;un texte remarquable, <a href=\"http:\/\/www.guardian.co.uk\/nato\/story\/0,12667,845189,00.html\" class=\"gen\">du Britannique John Laughland, du Groupe d&rsquo;Helsinki de surveillance des Droits de l&rsquo;Homme<\/a>. Son texte porte le titre de \u00ab <em>Prague Racket<\/em> \u00bb. La th\u00e8se, ou le constat de John Laughland, est que l&rsquo;OTAN est devenue un instrument de racket, notamment pour les industries d&rsquo;armement des USA.  Il contient un passage particuli\u00e8rement int\u00e9ressant, concernant Bruce Jackson, de Lockheed Martin. <\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><\/p>\n<p><p>\t\u00ab <em>The west prefers such people because the demands it makes on post-communist countries are so unpopular. All eastern European states are required to sell off their national economic assets to foreigners, and close down their agriculture by accepting the dumping of subsidised EU food imports. This creates massive social disruption and unemployment. In addition, they must spend at least 2% of their GDP on defence, preferably on arms made in the US.<\/em> <\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t\u00bb <em>Consequently, a small country like Lithuania, whose economy has collapsed so catastrophically, has just announced the purchase of $34m worth of Stinger missiles, made by the Raytheon Corporation of Tucson, Arizona. When Tanzania announced it was spending $40m on a new civilian air traffic control system, there was an outcry; but Lithuania, whose official GDP is not much larger than Tanzania&rsquo;s, will have to spend $240m on arms every year as the price for Nato membership. And Lithuania is just one of seven new member states, all of which are spending hundreds of millions of dollars on arms.<\/em> <\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t\u00bb <em>The economic interests driving Nato expansion are so blatant that the man who co-ordinates US policy on the matter practically has \u00a0\u00bbmilitary-industrial complex\u00a0\u00bb as his middle name. Bruce Jackson, president of the US committee on Nato, is a former military intelligence officer in the US army who became vice-president of Lockheed Martin, the gigantic US arms manufacturer and biggest provider of financial control and accounting services to the Pentagon, from whose accounts trillions of dollars have disappeared.<\/em> <\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t\u00bb <em>Jackson left Lockheed Martin in August to take up his new full-time political job of promoting democracy in a united Europe. But a good illustration of the economic agenda which is really behind Nato expansion was given when Jackson recently told Bulgaria that its membership of Nato would depend on it selling the national tobacco factory to the right foreign buyer.<\/em> <\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t\u00bb <em>Far from promoting democracy in eastern Europe, Washington is promoting a system of political and military control not unlike that once practised by the Soviet Union. Unlike that empire, which collapsed because the centre was weaker than the periphery, the new Nato is both a mechanism for extracting Danegeld from new member states for the benefit of the US arms industry, and also &#8211; ever since the promulgation of Nato&rsquo;s New Strategic Concept in April 1999 &#8211; an instrument for getting others to protect US interests around the world, including the supply of primary resources such as oil. It is, in short, a racket.<\/em> <\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><\/p>\n<p><p>\tDans son article, Laughland introduit \u00e0 nouveau un personnage qui para\u00eet particuli\u00e8rement important dans les milieux officieux d&rsquo;extr\u00eame-droite US proches de l&rsquo;administration GW, et \u00e9galement proche de l&rsquo;industrie d&rsquo;armement : Bruce Jackson, vice-pr\u00e9sident de Lockheed Martin (LM), <a href=\" http:\/\/www.dedefensa.org\/article.php?art_id=461\" class=\"gen\">dont nous avons d\u00e9j\u00e0 parl\u00e9<\/a>. Laughland indique que Jackson a d\u00e9missionn\u00e9 de son poste de vice-pr\u00e9sident en ao\u00fbt, id\u00e9e qui semble renforc\u00e9e par Jim Lobe dans une r\u00e9cente analyse sur le Comittee on the Lib\u00e9ration of Iraq (CLI) qu&rsquo;il a donn\u00e9e <a href=\"http:\/\/www.presentdanger.org\/papers\/libiraq.html\" class=\"gen\">\u00e0 une organisation d&rsquo;opposition \u00e0 ces mouvements, le Project Against the Present danger<\/a>. Si elle est confirm\u00e9e, cette d\u00e9mission n&rsquo;est qu&rsquo;une pure mesure formelle, Jackson reste en rapport direct avec LM et, selon certaines sources, reste secr\u00e8tement appoint\u00e9 par LM. (Le d\u00e9veloppement du CLI est \u00e9galement <a href=\"http:\/\/www.wsws.org\/articles\/2002\/nov2002\/iraq-n23.shtml\" class=\"gen\">analys\u00e9 par le site WSWS.<\/a>)<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\tCes diverses indications ne cessent de renforcer l&rsquo;impression que le complexe militaro-industriel est extr\u00eamement pr\u00e9sent dans les r\u00e9seaux soutenant et inspirant la politique ext\u00e9rieure am\u00e9ricaine. Il s&rsquo;agit essentiellement de Lockheed Martin ; l&rsquo;autre g\u00e9ant du domaine, Boeing, est largement en retrait. C&rsquo;est une situation assez naturelle : Boeing a toujours \u00e9t\u00e9 per\u00e7u comme provincial malgr\u00e9 ses ventes ext\u00e9rieures civiles, et fort peu connect\u00e9 avec le pouvoir \u00e0 Washington, autant qu&rsquo;avec les march\u00e9s ext\u00e9rieurs les plus chauds, les march\u00e9s militaires. Au contraire, Lockheed en est un sp\u00e9cialiste, puisqu&rsquo;il est impliqu\u00e9 passivement dans les contacts ext\u00e9rieurs avec le programme F-104, dont les suites ont donn\u00e9 les plus grands scandales de corruption de l&rsquo;histoire de l&rsquo;aviation militaire, mis \u00e0 jour dans les ann\u00e9es 1975-76, lors des auditions du Congr\u00e8s sur la CIA.<\/p><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Les \u00e0 c\u00f4t\u00e9 de Prague 22 novembre 2002 A c\u00f4t\u00e9 des \u00e9v\u00e9nements officiels du sommet de l&rsquo;OTAN \u00e0 Prague, notamment les rapports entre alli\u00e9s, il y a eu des interpr\u00e9tations et des commentaires tr\u00e8s exemplaires du climat qui a accompagn\u00e9 ce sommet. Mention particuli\u00e8re doit \u00eatre faite d&rsquo;un texte remarquable, du Britannique John Laughland, du&hellip;&nbsp;<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"","ping_status":"","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"neve_meta_sidebar":"","neve_meta_container":"","neve_meta_enable_content_width":"","neve_meta_content_width":0,"neve_meta_title_alignment":"","neve_meta_author_avatar":"","neve_post_elements_order":"","neve_meta_disable_header":"","neve_meta_disable_footer":"","neve_meta_disable_title":"","_jetpack_memberships_contains_paid_content":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[10],"tags":[3169,3501,3502,584,3328],"class_list":["post-65350","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-faits-et-commentaires","tag-jackson","tag-lockheed","tag-martin","tag-otan","tag-prague"],"jetpack_featured_media_url":"","jetpack_sharing_enabled":true,"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/65350","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=65350"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/65350\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=65350"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=65350"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=65350"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}