{"id":66695,"date":"2005-08-13T00:00:00","date_gmt":"2005-08-13T00:00:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/2005\/08\/13\/le-succes-de-wasg-en-allemagne-un-evenement-antimoderne\/"},"modified":"2005-08-13T00:00:00","modified_gmt":"2005-08-13T00:00:00","slug":"le-succes-de-wasg-en-allemagne-un-evenement-antimoderne","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/2005\/08\/13\/le-succes-de-wasg-en-allemagne-un-evenement-antimoderne\/","title":{"rendered":"Le succ\u00e8s de WASG en Allemagne : un \u00e9v\u00e9nement antimoderne<\/em><\/strong>"},"content":{"rendered":"

Le succ\u00e8s de WASG en Allemagne : un \u00e9v\u00e9nement antimoderne<\/h2>\n<\/p>\n

<\/p>\n

\t13 ao\u00fbt 2005 Sur le site PINR, Federico Bordonaro, notamment d\u00e9j\u00e0 cit\u00e9 dans ces colonnes pour un texte sur l’ascension du souverainisme en France<\/a>, aborde la question des \u00e9lections allemandes d’un point de vue int\u00e9ressant: le succ\u00e8s (dans les sondages) de la liste WASG, form\u00e9e \u00e0 l’inspiration d’Oskar Lafontaine.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\tNous n’avons gu\u00e8re pr\u00eat\u00e9 attention \u00e0 l’\u00e9volution de cette liste. Nous consid\u00e9rons essentiellement les \u00e9lections allemandes du point de vue des \u00e9quilibres existants en Europe, notamment en fonction des positions enregistr\u00e9es \u00e0 l’occasion de la guerre en Irak. La question centrale est, pour nous, de savoir si l’Allemagne gardera sa position de soutien de la France apr\u00e8s les \u00e9lections, avec ou sans Schr\u00f6der d’ailleurs. Bien entendu, cet int\u00e9r\u00eat subsiste, il est m\u00eame plus grand que jamais, et la question reste pos\u00e9e. Mais il est bon d’y ajouter la probl\u00e9matique propos\u00e9e par l’\u00e9v\u00e9nement du succ\u00e8s de la liste WASG avec l’alliance Linksbuendnis<\/em> qui recueille 11% des intentions de vote.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\t[En fait, Linksbuendnis<\/em> repr\u00e9sente l’alliance de WASG et du PDS cantonn\u00e9 \u00e0 l’ex-Allemagne de l’Est par statut. Cette alliance soul\u00e8ve une question juridique d’importance, comme l’explique Bordonaro : \u00ab [O]n August 5, some high-profile independent lawyers, and experts from the German Federal Constitutional Court (Bundesverfassungsgericht) told the press that the Left has misused federal electoral laws because in some German states it is not clear whether voters of the Linksbuendnis would be voting for a P.D.S. or for a W.A.S.G. candidate. It is argued that this confusion has been created in order to get P.D.S. officials elected in western states where they normally receive very little support. Therefore, some German states could disallow the Linksbuendnis to take part in September’s vote.<\/em> \u00bb Quoi qu’il en soit de cette alliance et de sa destin\u00e9e juridique, il est evident que nous examinons ici la signification du fait d’ores et d\u00e9j\u00e0 acquis que 11% des personnes interrog\u00e9es dans les sondages se disent pr\u00eates \u00e0 voter pour elle.]<\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\tL’avanc\u00e9e de la liste WASG est un ph\u00e9nom\u00e8ne important, mais d’une autre nature \u00e0 notre sens que la question du maintien de ce qu’on pourrait nommer la ligne Schr\u00f6der en mati\u00e8re de politique \u00e9trang\u00e8re. L’initiateur et l’inspirateur de WASG, Oskar Lafontaine, quitta l’\u00e9quipe Schr\u00f6der en mars 1999, apr\u00e8s avoir largement particip\u00e9 \u00e0 la victoire de Schr\u00f6der en 1998. Son courant r\u00e9formiste radical, nettement anti-globalisation, avait \u00e9t\u00e9 mis en minorit\u00e9 au sein de l’\u00e9quipe Schr\u00f6der. (Lafontaine comprit \u00e0 cette occasion ce qu’il pouvait attendre comme aide des Verts dans cette occurrence : quasiment rien, les Verts allemands cohabitant confortablement avec le lib\u00e9ralisme capitaliste, \u00e0 l’image tr\u00e8s embl\u00e9matique et vocif\u00e9rante d’un Cohn-Bendit.) A cette lumi\u00e8re des \u00e9v\u00e9nements pass\u00e9s et dans le cadre de l’\u00e9volution g\u00e9n\u00e9rale depuis 2001, l’avanc\u00e9e de la liste WASG doit \u00eatre prise comme un mouvement de contestation g\u00e9n\u00e9rale du syst\u00e8me.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\tVoici ce qu’en \u00e9crit Federico Bordonaro dans le texte cit\u00e9, dans le passage de ce texte intitul\u00e9 : The German Crisis and the Rise of W.A.S.G.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n

<\/p>\n

\t\u00ab W.A.S.G. is without a doubt the most important political novelty of today’s Germany. Launched by former Social Democrat minister Oskar Lafontaine and his leftist followers, W.A.S.G. has been able to successfully intercept S.P.D.’s disappointed voters. Social Democrat Prime Minister Gerhard Schroeder, elected in 1998, has tried in the last years to introduce market reforms in accordance to the wishes of German entrepreneurs, but the German social and political landscape has shown signs of severe unhappiness with his policies.<\/em> <\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\t\u00bb Trade unions, workers and parties from the Left judge the reforms too market-oriented and fear that the renowned German welfare state will be dismantled. On the contrary, liberal conservative movements and German capitalists believe the reforms were too weak and insufficient to tackle what German President Horst Koehler argued on July 22, that Germany faced an unprecedented crisis that needs the government to pursue its agenda with full determination and energy.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\t\u00bb As a result, the S.P.D.-led coalition experienced a dramatic decrease of support in the last four years, and Schroeder’s ability to remain in power after 2002 is explained by some analysts as due to his steadfast opposition to the U.S.-led war in Iraq, which made it possible for the Social Democrat to keep the Left’s votes in 2002. However, notwithstanding a new foreign policy, characterized by a strategic partnership with Russia, a strong commitment to refuse any involvement in the Iraq war, and an open dialogue with Washington in order to relaunch the transatlantic relationship, Schroeder’s days in power seem to be nearing an end.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\t\u00bb Germany’s social system is nowadays widely perceived as unable to cope with the aggressive Anglo-Saxon neo-liberal model. In the post-bipolar geo-economy, statist policies based on public spending and labor market guarantees are often considered impossible to harmonize with companies’ needs to compete globally. Moreover, the European Union of which Germany is the largest country, and one of its leading states has been built upon neo-liberal principles.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\t\u00bb However, German wealth and an excellent welfare state are inextricably linked to the twentieth century’s German social market system also known as Rhine capitalism. Should such a model be dismantled in order to increase economic competitiveness it is fairly obvious that the social stability largely enjoyed by the country in the last 60 years would be extremely hard to maintain.<\/em> <\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\t\u00bb This context has witnessed an unexpected rise of the Linksbuendnis. Whereas P.D.S. has always remained strong in the eastern states, the W.A.S.G. has rapidly gained consensus in various states of the country, and not only in the poorer ones in the east. Lafontaine’s strategy is to gather the votes of those German citizens who do not believe the welfare state is doomed to fail in the age of globalization. After the E.U.’s single currency introductions, Germany has fallen prey to recession and economic depression. Many Germans no longer believe that the euro and the European Union are without question in Berlin’s interests.<\/em> <\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\t\u00bb As wages no longer progress like they did in the 1980s, and the E.U. is plagued by inner division and economic crisis, a significant part of the German population is skeptical about the classical Europeanist and moderately liberal policy advocated by both the C.D.U. and the S.P.D. (and their respective allies the Free Democratic Party (F.D.P.) and the Green Party).<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\t\u00bb Since in 2005 the new W.A.S.G. party rapidly found a strategic agreement with P.D.S. to create the Linksbuendnis, Christian Democrats and Social Democrats realized how dismal their situation looked. Hence, the current juridical issues are regarded by some observers as a C.D.U.\/S.P.D. maneuver to hamper the Left alliance’s rise.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\t\u00bb However, the general situation looks unsettled. W.A.S.G.’s leader Klaus Ernst announced on July 20 that his party does not rule out entering a coalition with the Social Democrats and the Greens in order to prevent the formation of a C.D.U.-C.S.U.-led government. Moreover, 39 percent of German citizens would accept a C.D.U.\/S.P.D. Grand Coalition, according to a recent poll.<\/em> \u00bb<\/p>\n<\/p>\n

<\/p>\n

\tPour nous, aucune h\u00e9sitation n’est possible. Ce succ\u00e8s dans les sondages et les intentions de vote des \u00e9lecteurs de la liste WASG sont \u00e0 classer dans la cat\u00e9gorie des \u00e9v\u00e9nements antimodernes selon la cat\u00e9gorisation que nous envisageons dans notre texte extrait de la Lettre d’Analyse de defensa’<\/a> dans ses \u00e9ditions du 10 juillet. Nous le classons sans la moindre h\u00e9sitation, dans l’interpr\u00e9tation que nous en faisons, aux c\u00f4t\u00e9s (\u00e0 la suite) du non fran\u00e7ais au r\u00e9f\u00e9rendum du 29 mai. (La diff\u00e9rence en importance sera \u00e0 mesurer selon le r\u00e9sultat des \u00e9lections allemandes, selon le r\u00e9sultat de WASG et le r\u00f4le que cette liste jouera ensuite : soit opposition pure et simple, et son importance restera cantonn\u00e9e au niveau de la politique int\u00e9rieure sans perdre bien entendu sa signification antimoderne ; soit influence directe ou indirecte sur la direction g\u00e9n\u00e9rale des affaires allemandes, et son importance d\u00e9passera le cadre allemand. C’est ce qui diff\u00e9rencie les deux \u00e9v\u00e9nements : pour le r\u00e9f\u00e9rendum fran\u00e7ais, on savait qu’il y avait par d\u00e9finition une dimension ext\u00e9rieure.)<\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\tIl s’agit d’un \u00e9v\u00e9nement antimoderne dans la mesure o\u00f9 ses causes et ses effets se r\u00e9sument dans l’id\u00e9e de repousser les pouss\u00e9es modernistes aveugles et d\u00e9structurantes manifest\u00e9es par le courant de la globalisation. Le paradoxe est que ces fr\u00e8res ennemis (le SPD de Schr\u00f6der et sa coalition avec les Verts d’une part, la liste WASG d’autre part), qui ont comme moteur principal de s’opposer comme on est capable de le faire au sein de la gauche, suivent en r\u00e9alit\u00e9 une convergence antimoderne m\u00eame s’ils l’ignorent, m\u00eame s’ils \u00e9cartent cette interpr\u00e9tation. La position de Schr\u00f6der contre la politique US, depuis ao\u00fbt 2002, r\u00e9pond \u00e9videmment \u00e0 une logique politique fondamentale \u00e0 laquelle souscrit WASG. De m\u00eame, et quelles que soient leurs \u00e9tiquettes \u00e9lectorales et les vaticinations de leurs th\u00e9oriciens, ces deux mouvements poursuivent la m\u00eame bataille, du m\u00eame c\u00f4t\u00e9 s’entend, que les souverainistes fran\u00e7ais ou un Jacques Chirac lorsqu’il lui arrive d’\u00eatre inspir\u00e9.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n

<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Le succ\u00e8s de WASG en Allemagne : un \u00e9v\u00e9nement antimoderne 13 ao\u00fbt 2005 Sur le site PINR, Federico Bordonaro, notamment d\u00e9j\u00e0 cit\u00e9 dans ces colonnes pour un texte sur l’ascension du souverainisme en France, aborde la question des \u00e9lections allemandes d’un point de vue int\u00e9ressant: le succ\u00e8s (dans les sondages) de la liste WASG, form\u00e9e… <\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"","ping_status":"","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"neve_meta_sidebar":"","neve_meta_container":"","neve_meta_enable_content_width":"","neve_meta_content_width":0,"neve_meta_title_alignment":"","neve_meta_author_avatar":"","neve_post_elements_order":"","neve_meta_disable_header":"","neve_meta_disable_footer":"","neve_meta_disable_title":"","footnotes":""},"categories":[10],"tags":[4707,3171],"class_list":["post-66695","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-faits-et-commentaires","tag-lafontaine","tag-schroder"],"jetpack_featured_media_url":"","_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/66695","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=66695"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/66695\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=66695"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=66695"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=66695"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}