{"id":66838,"date":"2005-09-19T00:00:00","date_gmt":"2005-09-19T00:00:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/2005\/09\/19\/new-orleans-ou-la-premiere-application-du-capitalisme-carastrophique\/"},"modified":"2005-09-19T00:00:00","modified_gmt":"2005-09-19T00:00:00","slug":"new-orleans-ou-la-premiere-application-du-capitalisme-carastrophique","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/2005\/09\/19\/new-orleans-ou-la-premiere-application-du-capitalisme-carastrophique\/","title":{"rendered":"New Orleans, ou la premi\u00e8re application du \u201ccapitalisme carastrophique\u201d<\/em><\/strong>"},"content":{"rendered":"

New Orleans, ou la premi\u00e8re application du capitalisme carastrophique<\/h3>\n<\/p>\n

<\/p>\n

\tCet article extr\u00eamement critique de Naomi Kein (journaliste auteur, militante fameuse de la contestation altermondialiste et anti-capitaliste), dans The Nation du 2 mai 2005<\/a>, expose le concept en vogue et qui devrait devenir fort pris\u00e9 par d’administration GW de Disaster Capitalism<\/em>; ou, selon notre adaptation, de capitalisme catastrophique’ et en d\u00e9bat. Il s’agit du stade ultime de capitalisme, l’id\u00e9e que les d\u00e9sastres (notamment naturels) permettent la reconstruction (de ce qui a \u00e9t\u00e9 d\u00e9truit) et par cons\u00e9quent des investissements qui rapportent beaucoup de b\u00e9n\u00e9fices. <\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\tCe concept s’applique parfaitement \u00e0 la guerre, pr\u00e9ventive de pr\u00e9f\u00e9rence. D’ailleurs, \u00e0 Washington, \u00e0 la Maison-Blanche, capitalisme catastrophique’ ne se dit pas Disaster Capitalism<\/em> mais bien Office of the Coordinator for Reconstruction and Stabilisation<\/em>; \u00e7a fait plus vertueux Il s’agit d’une agence cr\u00e9e par la Maison-Blanche en ao\u00fbt 2004 et dirig\u00e9e par l’ancien ambassadeur US en Ukraine Carlos Pascual. (Voil\u00e0 ses lettres de cr\u00e9ance : il y a pr\u00e9par\u00e9 la r\u00e9volution orange dont on sait qu’elle est un fleuron de la transformation du monde aux normes am\u00e9ricanistes.. Son r\u00f4le est d’\u00e9laborer des plans d’apr\u00e8s-guerre mais aussi d’avant-guerre pour des pays (35 en tout) qui ne sont m\u00eame pas encore en guerre afin de mieux pouvoir se mobiliser et se d\u00e9ployer lorsque la guerre \u00e9clatera. Bien entendu, qui dit planification et guerre dit aussi compagnies priv\u00e9es, organisations non gouvernementales et membres de think-tank d\u00e9j\u00e0 sur le coup de contrats pr\u00e9d\u00e9finis et m\u00eame pr\u00e9emptifs pour la reconstruction de ces pays qui ne sont pas encore d\u00e9truits. Bien entendu encore, reconstruire, dans le vocabulaire am\u00e9ricaniste, signifie non pas reconstruire ce qui a \u00e9t\u00e9 d\u00e9truit (un patrimoine culturel et ancestral par exemple) mais d\u00e9truire ce patrimoine et cr\u00e9er une d\u00e9mocratie et une \u00e9conomie de march\u00e9 libre.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\tCe concept s’applique donc parfaitement aux catastrophes naturelles. Un bon petit cataclysme, rien de tel pour mettre un peu d’ordre dans tout cela et faire tourner la machine. Du moins, c’est ce que pense cette brave Condoleeza Rice, d\u00e9crivant le Tsunami qui ravagea les c\u00f4tes asiatiques comme \u00a0\u00bba wonderful opportunity that has paid great dividends for us<\/em>\u00a0\u00bb. A New Orleans, Katrina et la fa\u00e7on dont il a \u00e9t\u00e9 pris en charge par les autorit\u00e9s, sont une application int\u00e9ressante quoique par inadvertance de ce capitalisme catastrophique’. D’une autre fa\u00e7on, nous pourrions parler de nettoyage ethnique’<\/a>, ramification et sp\u00e9cialisation exotique en quelque sorte du Disaster Capitalism<\/em> et expression ad\u00e9quate pour caract\u00e9riser l’action des forces de s\u00e9curit\u00e9, de police et militaires dans l’affaire de la Nouvelle-Orl\u00e9ans. Eliminer, isoler, \u00e9loigner de la ville les improductifs, les marginaux, les blacks, les pauvres. Cela fait aussi partie du procesus de reconstruction. Entre nous, tous ces gens auraient fait un peu d\u00e9sordre dans une Nouvelle-Orl\u00e9ans flambant-neuve Malgr\u00e9 la duret\u00e9 extr\u00eame de ces faits, il faut moins voir dans ce nettoyage ethnique’ une quelconque forme de discrimination raciale que des investissements du capatalisme catastrophique’ pouss\u00e9 \u00e0 son extr\u00eame. <\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\tMais attention, ne nous m\u00e9prenons pas, tous ces d\u00e9sastres et destructions, m\u00eame s’ils sont profitables aux am\u00e9ricanistes, ne sont pas de leur fait, ni de leur volont\u00e9. Il s’agit bien \u00e9videmment de la main de Dieu. Il a bon dos Dieu et le dos vachement solide<\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\tDe plus, ce concept de capitalisme catastrophique’ n’est pas si nouveau que cela, il n’est pas bien \u00e9loign\u00e9 d’un autre concept d\u00e9j\u00e0 connu sur lequel est fond\u00e9 le capitalisme extr\u00e9miste d\u00e9velopp\u00e9 aux USA : la creative destruction<\/em>. Il en est la variation, l’extension radicale et extr\u00e9miste, sorte de version hard’. La creative destruction<\/em> implique l’id\u00e9e que de la destruction, la destructuration, le chaos, doit na\u00eetre le bien d’un point de vue capitaliste. Cependant, il existe une nuance essentielle entre ces deux concepts. La creative destruction<\/em> implique l’id\u00e9e qu’on fait de n\u00e9cessit\u00e9 vertu, qu’on profite de cet \u00e9tat de chaos et de destructuration qui est ind\u00e9pendant de notre volont\u00e9 (mais la volont\u00e9 de qui alors ? Mais celle de Dieu pardi !) pour cr\u00e9er des conditions nouvelles et vertueuses. De plus lorsque nous parlons de la creative destruction<\/em> nous ne parlons pas de guerre ou de cataclysme mais de supression d’emplois, de faillite d’entreprises due au progr\u00e8s \u00e9conomique, et dont la destruction est propice \u00e0 la cr\u00e9ation de nouvelles conditions \u00e9conomiques, de nouvelles entreprises et de nouveaux emplois. Le Disaster Capitalism<\/em>, au contraire, implique une volont\u00e9 arr\u00eat\u00e9e, programm\u00e9e de d\u00e9truire et ce, bien au del\u00e0 de l’\u00e9conomieC’est incontestablement un progr\u00e8s.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\t Notes de lecture par Fanny CORNIL<\/strong> <\/p>\n<\/p>\n

<\/p>\n

The Rise of Disaster Capitalism<\/h2>\n<\/p>\n

<\/p>\n

\tBy Naomi Klein, May 2, 2005, The Nation<\/strong><\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\tLast summer, in the lull of the August media doze, the Bush Administration’s doctrine of preventive war took a major leap forward. On August 5, 2004, the White House created the Office of the Coordinator for Reconstruction and Stabilization, headed by former US Ambassador to Ukraine Carlos Pascual. Its mandate is to draw up elaborate \u00a0\u00bbpost-conflict\u00a0\u00bb plans for up to twenty-five countries that are not, as of yet, in conflict. According to Pascual, it will also be able to coordinate three full-scale reconstruction operations in different countries \u00a0\u00bbat the same time,\u00a0\u00bb each lasting \u00a0\u00bbfive to seven years.\u00a0\u00bb <\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\tFittingly, a government devoted to perpetual pre-emptive deconstruction now has a standing office of perpetual pre-emptive reconstruction. <\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\tGone are the days of waiting for wars to break out and then drawing up ad hoc plans to pick up the pieces. In close cooperation with the National Intelligence Council, Pascual’s office keeps \u00a0\u00bbhigh risk\u00a0\u00bb countries on a \u00a0\u00bbwatch list\u00a0\u00bb and assembles rapid-response teams ready to engage in prewar planning and to \u00a0\u00bbmobilize and deploy quickly\u00a0\u00bb after a conflict has gone down. The teams are made up of private companies, nongovernmental organizations and members of think tanks–some, Pascual told an audience at the Center for Strategic and International Studies in October, will have \u00a0\u00bbpre-completed\u00a0\u00bb contracts to rebuild countries that are not yet broken. Doing this paperwork in advance could \u00a0\u00bbcut off three to six months in your response time.\u00a0\u00bb <\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\tThe plans Pascual’s teams have been drawing up in his little-known office in the State Department are about changing \u00a0\u00bbthe very social fabric of a nation,\u00a0\u00bb he told CSIS. The office’s mandate is not to rebuild any old states, you see, but to create \u00a0\u00bbdemocratic and market-oriented\u00a0\u00bb ones. So, for instance (and he was just pulling this example out of his hat, no doubt), his fast-acting reconstructors might help sell off \u00a0\u00bbstate-owned enterprises that created a nonviable economy.\u00a0\u00bb Sometimes rebuilding, he explained, means \u00a0\u00bbtearing apart the old.\u00a0\u00bb <\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\tFew ideologues can resist the allure of a blank slate–that was colonialism’s seductive promise: \u00a0\u00bbdiscovering\u00a0\u00bb wide-open new lands where utopia seemed possible. But colonialism is dead, or so we are told; there are no new places to discover, no terra nullius (there never was), no more blank pages on which, as Mao once said, \u00a0\u00bbthe newest and most beautiful words can be written.\u00a0\u00bb There is, however, plenty of destruction–countries smashed to rubble, whether by so-called Acts of God or by Acts of Bush (on orders from God). And where there is destruction there is reconstruction, a chance to grab hold of \u00a0\u00bbthe terrible barrenness,\u00a0\u00bb as a UN official recently described the devastation in Aceh, and fill it with the most perfect, beautiful plans. <\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\t\u00a0\u00bbWe used to have vulgar colonialism,\u00a0\u00bb says Shalmali Guttal, a Bangalore-based researcher with Focus on the Global South. \u00a0\u00bbNow we have sophisticated colonialism, and they call it ‘reconstruction.\u00a0\u00bb’ <\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\tIt certainly seems that ever-larger portions of the globe are under active reconstruction: being rebuilt by a parallel government made up of a familiar cast of for-profit consulting firms, engineering companies, mega-NGOs, government and UN aid agencies and international financial institutions. And from the people living in these reconstruction sites–Iraq to Aceh, Afghanistan to Haiti–a similar chorus of complaints can be heard. The work is far too slow, if it is happening at all. Foreign consultants live high on cost-plus expense accounts and thousand- dollar-a-day salaries, while locals are shut out of much-needed jobs, training and decision-making. Expert \u00a0\u00bbdemocracy builders\u00a0\u00bb lecture governments on the importance of transparency and \u00a0\u00bbgood governance,\u00a0\u00bb yet most contractors and NGOs refuse to open their books to those same governments, let alone give them control over how their aid money is spent. <\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\tThree months after the tsunami hit Aceh, the New York Times ran a distressing story reporting that \u00a0\u00bbalmost nothing seems to have been done to begin repairs and rebuilding.\u00a0\u00bb The dispatch could easily have come from Iraq, where, as the Los Angeles Times just reported, all of Bechtel’s allegedly rebuilt water plants have started to break down, one more in an endless litany of reconstruction screw-ups. It could also have come from Afghanistan, where President Hamid Karzai recently blasted \u00a0\u00bbcorrupt, wasteful and unaccountable\u00a0\u00bb foreign contractors for \u00a0\u00bbsquandering the precious resources that Afghanistan received in aid.\u00a0\u00bb Or from Sri Lanka, where 600,000 people who lost their homes in the tsunami are still languishing in temporary camps. One hundred days after the giant waves hit, Herman Kumara, head of the National Fisheries Solidarity Movement in Negombo, Sri Lanka, sent out a desperate e-mail to colleagues around the world. \u00a0\u00bbThe funds received for the benefit of the victims are directed to the benefit of the privileged few, not to the real victims,\u00a0\u00bb he wrote. \u00a0\u00bbOur voices are not heard and not allowed to be voiced.\u00a0\u00bb <\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\tBut if the reconstruction industry is stunningly inept at rebuilding, that may be because rebuilding is not its primary purpose. According to Guttal, \u00a0\u00bbIt’s not reconstruction at all–it’s about reshaping everything.\u00a0\u00bb If anything, the stories of corruption and incompetence serve to mask this deeper scandal: the rise of a predatory form of disaster capitalism that uses the desperation and fear created by catastrophe to engage in radical social and economic engineering. And on this front, the reconstruction industry works so quickly and efficiently that the privatizations and land grabs are usually locked in before the local population knows what hit them. Kumara, in another e-mail, warns that Sri Lanka is now facing \u00a0\u00bba second tsunami of corporate globalization and militarization,\u00a0\u00bb potentially even more devastating than the first. \u00a0\u00bbWe see this as a plan of action amidst the tsunami crisis to hand over the sea and the coast to foreign corporations and tourism, with military assistance from the US Marines.\u00a0\u00bb <\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\tAs Deputy Defense Secretary, Paul Wolfowitz designed and oversaw a strikingly similar project in Iraq: The fires were still burning in Baghdad when US occupation officials rewrote the investment laws and announced that the country’s state-owned companies would be privatized. Some have pointed to this track record to argue that Wolfowitz is unfit to lead the World Bank; in fact, nothing could have prepared him better for his new job. In Iraq, Wolfowitz was just doing what the World Bank is already doing in virtually every war-torn and disaster-struck country in the world–albeit with fewer bureaucratic niceties and more ideological bravado. <\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\t\u00a0\u00bbPost-conflict\u00a0\u00bb countries now receive 20-25 percent of the World Bank’s total lending, up from 16 percent in 1998–itself an 800 percent increase since 1980, according to a Congressional Research Service study. Rapid response to wars and natural disasters has traditionally been the domain of United Nations agencies, which worked with NGOs to provide emergency aid, build temporary housing and the like. But now reconstruction work has been revealed as a tremendously lucrative industry, too important to be left to the do-gooders at the UN. So today it is the World Bank, already devoted to the principle of poverty-alleviation through profit-making, that leads the charge. <\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\tAnd there is no doubt that there are profits to be made in the reconstruction business. There are massive engineering and supplies contracts ($10 billion to Halliburton in Iraq and Afghanistan alone); \u00a0\u00bbdemocracy building\u00a0\u00bb has exploded into a $2 billion industry; and times have never been better for public-sector consultants–the private firms that advise governments on selling off their assets, often running government services themselves as subcontractors. (Bearing Point, the favored of these firms in the United States, reported that the revenues for its \u00a0\u00bbpublic services\u00a0\u00bb division \u00a0\u00bbhad quadrupled in just five years,\u00a0\u00bb and the profits are huge: $342 million in 2002–a profit margin of 35 percent.) <\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\tBut shattered countries are attractive to the World Bank for another reason: They take orders well. After a cataclysmic event, governments will usually do whatever it takes to get aid dollars–even if it means racking up huge debts and agreeing to sweeping policy reforms. And with the local population struggling to find shelter and food, political organizing against privatization can seem like an unimaginable luxury. <\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\tEven better from the bank’s perspective, many war-ravaged countries are in states of \u00a0\u00bblimited sovereignty\u00a0\u00bb: They are considered too unstable and unskilled to manage the aid money pouring in, so it is often put in a trust fund managed by the World Bank. This is the case in East Timor, where the bank doles out money to the government as long as it shows it is spending responsibly. Apparently, this means slashing public-sector jobs (Timor’s government is half the size it was under Indonesian occupation) but lavishing aid money on foreign consultants the bank insists the government hire (researcher Ben Moxham writes, \u00a0\u00bbIn one government department, a single international consultant earns in one month the same as his twenty Timorese colleagues earn together in an entire year\u00a0\u00bb). <\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\tIn Afghanistan, where the World Bank also administers the country’s aid through a trust fund, it has already managed to privatize healthcare by refusing to give funds to the Ministry of Health to build hospitals. Instead it funnels money directly to NGOs, which are running their own private health clinics on three-year contracts. It has also mandated \u00a0\u00bban increased role for the private sector\u00a0\u00bb in the water system, telecommunications, oil, gas and mining and directed the government to \u00a0\u00bbwithdraw\u00a0\u00bb from the electricity sector and leave it to \u00a0\u00bbforeign private investors.\u00a0\u00bb These profound transformations of Afghan society were never debated or reported on, because few outside the bank know they took place: The changes were buried deep in a \u00a0\u00bbtechnical annex\u00a0\u00bb attached to a grant providing \u00a0\u00bbemergency\u00a0\u00bb aid to Afghanistan’s war-torn infrastructure–two years before the country had an elected government. <\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\tIt has been much the same story in Haiti, following the ouster of President Jean-Bertrand Aristide. In exchange for a $61 million loan, the bank is requiring \u00a0\u00bbpublic-private partnership and governance in the education and health sectors,\u00a0\u00bb according to bank documents–i.e., private companies running schools and hospitals. Roger Noriega, US Assistant Secretary of State for Western Hemisphere Affairs, has made it clear that the Bush Administration shares these goals. \u00a0\u00bbWe will also encourage the government of Haiti to move forward, at the appropriate time, with restructuring and privatization of some public sector enterprises,\u00a0\u00bb he told the American Enterprise Institute on April 14, 2004. <\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\tThese are extraordinarily controversial plans in a country with a powerful socialist base, and the bank admits that this is precisely why it is pushing them now, with Haiti under what approaches military rule. \u00a0\u00bbThe Transitional Government provide[s] a window of opportunity for implementing economic governance reforms…that may be hard for a future government to undo,\u00a0\u00bb the bank notes in its Economic Governance Reform Operation Project agreement. For Haitians, this is a particularly bitter irony: Many blame multilateral institutions, including the World Bank, for deepening the political crisis that led to Aristide’s ouster by withholding hundreds of millions in promised loans. At the time, the Inter-American Development Bank, under pressure from the State Department, claimed Haiti was insufficiently democratic to receive the money, pointing to minor irregularities in a legislative election. But now that Aristide is out, the World Bank is openly celebrating the perks of operating in a democracy-free zone. <\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\tThe World Bank and the International Monetary Fund have been imposing shock therapy on countries in various states of shock for at least three decades, most notably after Latin America’s military coups and the collapse of the Soviet Union. Yet many observers say that today’s disaster capitalism really hit its stride with Hurricane Mitch. For a week in October 1998, Mitch parked itself over Central America, swallowing villages whole and killing more than 9,000. Already impoverished countries were desperate for reconstruction aid–and it came, but with strings attached. In the two months after Mitch struck, with the country still knee-deep in rubble, corpses and mud, the Honduran congress initiated what the Financial Times called \u00a0\u00bbspeed sell-offs after the storm.\u00a0\u00bb It passed laws allowing the privatization of airports, seaports and highways and fast-tracked plans to privatize the state telephone company, the national electric company and parts of the water sector. It overturned land-reform laws and made it easier for foreigners to buy and sell property. It was much the same in neighboring countries: In the same two months, Guatemala announced plans to sell off its phone system, and Nicaragua did likewise, along with its electric company and its petroleum sector. <\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\tAll of the privatization plans were pushed aggressively by the usual suspects. According to the Wall Street Journal, \u00a0\u00bbthe World Bank and International Monetary Fund had thrown their weight behind the [telecom] sale, making it a condition for release of roughly $47 million in aid annually over three years and linking it to about $4.4 billion in foreign-debt relief for Nicaragua.\u00a0\u00bb <\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\tNow the bank is using the December 26 tsunami to push through its cookie-cutter policies. The most devastated countries have seen almost no debt relief, and most of the World Bank’s emergency aid has come in the form of loans, not grants. Rather than emphasizing the need to help the small fishing communities–more than 80 percent of the wave’s victims–the bank is pushing for expansion of the tourism sector and industrial fish farms. As for the damaged public infrastructure, like roads and schools, bank documents recognize that rebuilding them \u00a0\u00bbmay strain public finances\u00a0\u00bb and suggest that governments consider privatization (yes, they have only one idea). \u00a0\u00bbFor certain investments,\u00a0\u00bb notes the bank’s tsunami-response plan, \u00a0\u00bbit may be appropriate to utilize private financing.\u00a0\u00bb <\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\tAs in other reconstruction sites, from Haiti to Iraq, tsunami relief has little to do with recovering what was lost. Although hotels and industry have already started reconstructing on the coast, in Sri Lanka, Thailand, Indonesia and India, governments have passed laws preventing families from rebuilding their oceanfront homes. Hundreds of thousands of people are being forcibly relocated inland, to military style barracks in Aceh and prefab concrete boxes in Thailand. The coast is not being rebuilt as it was–dotted with fishing villages and beaches strewn with handmade nets. Instead, governments, corporations and foreign donors are teaming up to rebuild it as they would like it to be: the beaches as playgrounds for tourists, the oceans as watery mines for corporate fishing fleets, both serviced by privatized airports and highways built on borrowed money. <\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\tIn January Condoleezza Rice sparked a small controversy by describing the tsunami as \u00a0\u00bba wonderful opportunity\u00a0\u00bb that \u00a0\u00bbhas paid great dividends for us.\u00a0\u00bb Many were horrified at the idea of treating a massive human tragedy as a chance to seek advantage. But, if anything, Rice was understating the case. A group calling itself Thailand Tsunami Survivors and Supporters says that for \u00a0\u00bbbusinessmen-politicians, the tsunami was the answer to their prayers, since it literally wiped these coastal areas clean of the communities which had previously stood in the way of their plans for resorts, hotels, casinos and shrimp farms. To them, all these coastal areas are now open land!\u00a0\u00bb <\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\tDisaster, it seems, is the new terra nullius.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n

<\/p>\n

\t[Notre recommandation est que ce texte doit \u00eatre lu avec la mention classique \u00e0 l’esprit, Disclaimer: In accordance with 17 U.S.C. 107, this material is distributed without profit or payment to those who have expressed a prior interest in receiving this information for non-profit research and educational purposes only..]<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n<\/p>\n

<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

New Orleans, ou la premi\u00e8re application du capitalisme carastrophique Cet article extr\u00eamement critique de Naomi Kein (journaliste auteur, militante fameuse de la contestation altermondialiste et anti-capitaliste), dans The Nation du 2 mai 2005, expose le concept en vogue et qui devrait devenir fort pris\u00e9 par d’administration GW de Disaster Capitalism; ou, selon notre adaptation, de… <\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"","ping_status":"","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"neve_meta_sidebar":"","neve_meta_container":"","neve_meta_enable_content_width":"","neve_meta_content_width":0,"neve_meta_title_alignment":"","neve_meta_author_avatar":"","neve_post_elements_order":"","neve_meta_disable_header":"","neve_meta_disable_footer":"","neve_meta_disable_title":"","_jetpack_memberships_contains_paid_content":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[4],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-66838","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-notes-de-lectures"],"jetpack_featured_media_url":"","jetpack_sharing_enabled":true,"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/66838","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=66838"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/66838\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=66838"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=66838"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=66838"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}