{"id":67313,"date":"2006-03-01T00:00:00","date_gmt":"2006-03-01T00:00:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/2006\/03\/01\/il-y-a-neo-protectionnisme-et-neo-protectionnisme\/"},"modified":"2006-03-01T00:00:00","modified_gmt":"2006-03-01T00:00:00","slug":"il-y-a-neo-protectionnisme-et-neo-protectionnisme","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/2006\/03\/01\/il-y-a-neo-protectionnisme-et-neo-protectionnisme\/","title":{"rendered":"Il y a n\u00e9o-protectionnisme et n\u00e9o-protectionnisme"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><h2 class=\"common-article\">Il y a n\u00e9o-protectionnisme et n\u00e9o-protectionnisme<\/h2>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t1er mars 2006  Diverses initiatives et pol\u00e9miques contribuent actuellement \u00e0 renforcer la perception d&rsquo;un retour du protectionnisme (ou l&rsquo;arriv\u00e9e d&rsquo;un n\u00e9o-protectionnisme). Il est identifi\u00e9 de mani\u00e8re diff\u00e9rente, par exemple comme du <a href=\"http:\/\/www.dedefensa.org\/article.php?art_id=1972\" class=\"gen\">patriotisme \u00e9conomique<\/a> (en France) ou assimil\u00e9 indirectement \u00e0 la guerre contre la terreur (aux Etats-Unis). Cette diff\u00e9rence d&rsquo;identification est particuli\u00e8rement int\u00e9ressante et, sans aucun doute, le facteur le plus significatif de cette situation du retour du protectionnisme.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\tDe r\u00e9cents incidents et d\u00e9cisions conduisent \u00e0 cette identification d&rsquo;un mouvement protectionniste ou n\u00e9o-protectionniste. Le groupe  <a href=\"http:\/\/www.pinr.com\/report.php?ac=view_printable&#038;report_id=448&#038;language_id=1\" class=\"gen\">PINR<\/a> pr\u00e9sente la situation g\u00e9n\u00e9rale de cette fa\u00e7on, d&rsquo;abord \u00e0 propos de la d\u00e9cision fran\u00e7aise de fusion GdF-Suez: \u00ab <em>Since the E.U. has failed to produce a strong common industrial and economic policy, France does not perceive it as an appropriate tool to multiply its power and interests, and to protect its own strategic economic sectors.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t\u00bb <em>PINR predicted last June that the referendum on the E.U. Constitutional Treaty opened a window of opportunity for all pro-sovereignty movements to gain attention and spread their own influence. This has indeed happened, perhaps even more quickly than expected, in a scenario of global geoeconomic competition marked once again by economic nationalism. France is also fighting to prevent its siderurgical giant Arcelor being taken over by India&rsquo;s Mittal Steel, but Paris is not alone in this struggle. Washington has de facto prevented China&rsquo;s CNOOC from taking over Unocal in 2005, just as Spain is trying to stop its own energy major, Endesa, being acquired by Germany&rsquo;s E.On.<\/em> \u00bb<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\tIl existe pour l&rsquo;instant deux cas principaux, dont on peut dire qu&rsquo;ils refl\u00e8tent une situation g\u00e9n\u00e9rale tr\u00e8s significative : en Europe et aux Etats-Unis. Ces situations g\u00e9n\u00e9rales et significatives sont tr\u00e8s diff\u00e9rentes et conduisent \u00e0 introduire des nuances significatives pour d\u00e9crire ce n\u00e9o-protectionnisme.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\tPour ce qui concerne l&rsquo;Europe, on peut avancer plusieurs remarques :<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t\u00a0La tr\u00e8s r\u00e9cente d\u00e9cision fran\u00e7aise de fusion de GdF et de Suez est consid\u00e9r\u00e9e comme une mesure protectionniste. D&rsquo;une fa\u00e7on g\u00e9n\u00e9rale, on consid\u00e8re que la France est pr\u00eate \u00e0 agir de fa\u00e7on d\u00e9cid\u00e9e pour prot\u00e9ger certaines industries (l&rsquo;\u00e9nergie, les hautes technologies, etc.), et on l&rsquo;observe d&rsquo;ailleurs avec cette op\u00e9ration. La vision est r\u00e9solument dans le sens d&rsquo;une figuration plus nationale dans tous les composants de ce qui est en g\u00e9n\u00e9ral d\u00e9sign\u00e9 comme la guerre \u00e9conomique,  ce qui doit \u00eatre entendu dans son sens le plus large : \u00e9conomie comme facteur politique, strat\u00e9gique, voire culturel. Il s&rsquo;agit clairement d&rsquo;obtenir pour la France ce que la France r\u00e9clame depuis plusieurs ann\u00e9es comme r\u00e9gulation du mouvement de globalisation. Puisque cette r\u00e9gulation n&rsquo;a pas \u00e9t\u00e9 mise en place, la France la met en place pour son compte.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t\u00a0On a vu que d&rsquo;autres pays suivent la m\u00eame voie que la France : l&rsquo;Espagne est mentionn\u00e9e. On ajouterait le Royaume-Uni et l&rsquo;Allemagne, notamment pour les grands domaines de hautes technologies (armement) et quoique de fa\u00e7on plus erratique que la France.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t\u00a0Au contraire, en Europe, des pays qui ont jou\u00e9 le jeu du lib\u00e9ralisme se trouvent pris au pi\u00e8ge. C&rsquo;est le cas de l&rsquo;Italie: \u00ab <em>Italy&rsquo;s establishment was shocked to discover that its economic liberalism and free-market orientation is somewhat asymmetric in Europe. Rome had previously agreed to the expansion of French corporations&rsquo; influence in the Italian economy, particularly in the banking, transport and energy sectors. Berlusconi&rsquo;s government had acted to remove obstacles in the way of French majors such as the Paribas banking group (which will absorb Italy&rsquo;s Unipol). Moreover, Rome&rsquo;s protest against the merger is based on the claim that no resistance was put up by Italy against Air France&rsquo;s attempt to buy Az Fly (a company owned by Alitalia), nor against EdF&rsquo;s increasing influence in Italy&rsquo;s Edison (an energy services company).<\/em> \u00bb (selon PINR).<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t\u00a0Bien entendu, dans cette mati\u00e8re de la grande strat\u00e9gie \u00e9conomique, surtout depuis le r\u00e9f\u00e9rendum, les int\u00e9r\u00eats nationaux pr\u00e9domineront en Europe. Si l&rsquo;Italie de Berlusconi a cru pouvoir s&rsquo;engager dans la voie lib\u00e9rale, d&rsquo;ailleurs selon la logique d&rsquo;un gouvernement compl\u00e8tement construit sur l&rsquo;id\u00e9e d&rsquo;un \u00c9tat se dispensant lui-m\u00eame de la charge de d\u00e9fendre le bien public (\u00e0 l&rsquo;am\u00e9ricaine), elle n&rsquo;en sera pas r\u00e9compens\u00e9e pour autant. Les Italiens paieront l&rsquo;incons\u00e9quence, d&rsquo;ailleurs souvent int\u00e9ress\u00e9e, de leur actuel Premier ministre. Les moralistes de fortune d\u00e9ploreront la chose ; on les comprend mais cela ne changera rien.<\/p>\n<h3>Aux USA, hyper-lib\u00e9ralisme, terreur et d\u00e9sordre<\/h3>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\tAux Etats-Unis, Il s&rsquo;agit d&rsquo;un tout autre tableau. L&rsquo;expression n\u00e9o-protectionnisme a un tout autre sens et une signification bien diff\u00e9rente. (Il faut consid\u00e9rer cela en ayant \u00e0 l&rsquo;esprit cette restriction fondamentale que les USA poss\u00e8dent, par nature pourrait-on \u00e9crire, une structure passivement mais efficacement protectionniste gr\u00e2ce \u00e0 ses divers sas de p\u00e9n\u00e9tration du pays, entre le gouvernement f\u00e9d\u00e9ral et les \u00c9tats. M\u00eame dans des temps hyper-lib\u00e9raux, cette structure veille au grain.)<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t\u00a0Alors qu&rsquo;en Europe, on voit les gouvernements revenir au premier plan et agir en agents n\u00e9o-protectionnistes, aux USA le gouvernement de GW Bush est en g\u00e9n\u00e9ral totalement hyper-lib\u00e9ral, d&rsquo;une fa\u00e7on id\u00e9ologique intransigeante (avec le facteurs des liens personnels\/de corruption, etc., qui accompagnent ce ph\u00e9nom\u00e8ne). La d\u00e9finition m\u00eame du gouvernement GW est anti-r\u00e9galienne : elle refuse absolument la notion de bien public (en Europe, Berlusconi suit cet exemple, avec les r\u00e9sultats qu&rsquo;on voit).<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t\u00a0Les r\u00e9actions nettement n\u00e9o-isolationnistes sont d\u00e9sordonn\u00e9es et erratiques. Elles se font par pression, par influence, etc., venus de divers groupes, et sont en g\u00e9n\u00e9ral parfaitement relay\u00e9es vers le Congr\u00e8s. Celui-ci d\u00e9marre au quart de tour devant la moindre sollicitation. Il le fait en g\u00e9n\u00e9ral de fa\u00e7on tr\u00e8s brutale et souvent arbitraire, avec des mesures draconiennes, dont certaines font bon march\u00e9 de la souverainet\u00e9 d&rsquo;\u00c9tats \u00e9trangers.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t\u00a0L&rsquo;hyper-lib\u00e9ralisme du gouvernement bascule en son exact contraire (avec le soutien enthousiasme du Congr\u00e8s) sur quelques grands domaines, notamment les technologies d&rsquo;armement avec un Pentagone dont le protectionnisme se mesure \u00e0 une paralysie quasi-totale de la bureaucratie. Effectivement, la bureaucratie joue un r\u00f4le de frein consid\u00e9rable qui se transcrit, dans ses effets, en un protectionnisme <em>de facto<\/em> infranchissable.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t\u00a0Les divers protectionnismes, qu&rsquo;ils soient d&rsquo;influence ou bureaucratiques, se rapprochent, dans l&rsquo;esprit de la cause sollicit\u00e9e, du patriotisme \u00e9conomique dans la mesure o\u00f9 ils s&rsquo;appuient sur l&rsquo;argument p\u00e9remptoire de la s\u00e9curit\u00e9 nationale. Aujourd&rsquo;hui, cette s\u00e9curit\u00e9 nationale s&rsquo;ordonne autour du ph\u00e9nom\u00e8ne du terrorisme, qui est l&rsquo;argument central de l&rsquo;arsenal de protection et de discrimination en cours d&rsquo;\u00e9rection aux Etats-Unis.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t\u00a0L&rsquo;agitation extr\u00eamement forte aux USA dans l&rsquo;affaire de <a href=\"http:\/\/www.dedefensa.org\/article.php?art_id=2454\" class=\"gen\">la gestion des ports<\/a> sur le point d&rsquo;\u00eatre reprise par une soci\u00e9t\u00e9 de Duba\u00ef a \u00e9t\u00e9 d\u00e9nonc\u00e9e comme du protectionnisme \u00e0 peine d\u00e9guis\u00e9e, l&rsquo;argument de la lutte contre le terrorisme \u00e9tant \u00e9cart\u00e9 comme un faux semblant. Ce proc\u00e8s est infond\u00e9, \u00e0 moins qu&rsquo;il ne soit port\u00e9 contre la notion g\u00e9n\u00e9rale de terrorisme aux USA. La d\u00e9finition militaire, globale et apocalyptique faite du terrorisme par l&rsquo;administration GW Bush est <a href=\"http:\/\/www.dedefensa.org\/article.php?art_id=2410\" class=\"gen\">grotesque<\/a> ; mais \u00e0 partir du moment o\u00f9 elle est accept\u00e9e, il est \u00e9vident que l&rsquo;argument de s\u00e9curit\u00e9 nationale pour les ports est non seulement acceptable, il devient imp\u00e9ratif. Dans ce cas, l&rsquo;administration GW qui a favoris\u00e9 (ou laiss\u00e9 faire, selon le terme appropri\u00e9) le rachat est prise \u00e0 sa propre contradiction : entre son hyper-lib\u00e9ralisme \u00e9conomique qui autorise tout et sa d\u00e9finition du terrorisme qui conduit \u00e9videmment \u00e0 contr\u00f4ler \u00e0 peu pr\u00e8s tout.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\tDans tous les cas, le r\u00e9sultat pour l&rsquo;Am\u00e9rique est un n\u00e9o-protectionnisme de d\u00e9sordre, qui se m\u00e9lange avec diverses autres caract\u00e9ristiques sp\u00e9cifiques aux USA (r\u00e9gulation et l\u00e9gislation du droit des soci\u00e9t\u00e9s selon les incidents et l&rsquo;air du temps, tr\u00e8s fortes amendes pour de possibles infractions, imbroglios bureaucratiques, tr\u00e8s forte discrimination vis-\u00e0-vis des non-US, encore plus avec la guerre contre la terreur, etc.). Le r\u00e9sultat est que les USA sont devenus un cauchemar pour le monde des affaires. Les USA, sans cesse acclam\u00e9s pour \u00eatre le parangon du <em>business<\/em> sont d\u00e9sormais per\u00e7us de l&rsquo;ext\u00e9rieur, par les milieux d&rsquo;affaires, comme un pays extraordinairement r\u00e9trograde pour le rythme du <em>business<\/em> \u00e0 l&rsquo;heure de la globalisation.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\tCi-dessous, nous donnons un large extrait d&rsquo;un article de <a href=\"http:\/\/news.independent.co.uk\/business\/analysis_and_features\/article347680.ece\" class=\"gen\">The Independent<\/a> du 26 f\u00e9vrier, avec ce titre : \u00ab <em>Setting sail away from America: The world finds it&rsquo;s too hard to do business with the US.<\/em> \u00bb L&rsquo;article d\u00e9marre sur des accusations de protectionnisme \u00e0 propos de l&rsquo;affaire des ports, mais la suite de l&rsquo;article (ci-dessous) montre qu&rsquo;il s&rsquo;agit l\u00e0, d&rsquo;abord, d&rsquo;un ph\u00e9nom\u00e8ne am\u00e9ricain, bien plus complexe que le simple protectionnisme et effectivement caract\u00e9ris\u00e9 par le <strong>d\u00e9sordre<\/strong> des contraintes et des r\u00e9gulations:<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t\u00ab <em>An Anglo-American treaty agreed in the wake of the 11 September terrorist attacks means prosecutors are no longer required to prove there is a case to answer in order to secure an extradition. It has been used as many times to pursue white-collar suspects as it has terrorists  and only the UK has ratified it. The treaty has been used not only against the three bankers but also the 62-year-old former chief executive of taxi maker Morgan Crucible. Ian Norris faces extradition to answer charges over alleged price fixing.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t\u00bb <em>Douglas McNabb, the Texan lawyer who appeared as an expert witness for the defence at the NatWest hearing, says that law-abiding businessmen have much to lose if they are wrongly accused. Maybe the US is wrong and you have to go through the whole process to prove it. My view is that in order to have a chance of winning an international extradition case, you have to have counsel from both countries, and you have to have a lot of money.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t\u00bb <em>It is not just law enforcement agencies in the US that are reaching across the seas, but US financial regulators too. Foreign businesses with American shareholders have become subject to the provisions of the onerous Sarbanes-Oxley legislation pushed through after the collapse of Enron. This demands that executives take legal responsibility for the accuracy of their financial results, and insists on upgraded audit procedures that are estimated to cost a minimum $1m per year. Bigger companies with significant operations in the US just have to grin and bear it  BP said it was spending $100m a year on Sarbanes-Oxley compliance  but others have decided to ditch their US shareholders.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t\u00bb <em>In the UK, ITV has engineered a complex financial restructuring to that effect and O2 and Rank have delisted their shares from Wall Street. French media giant Vivendi Universal is doing the same and Mexican and Israeli companies are among dozens to have retrenched to their home stock markets. This is a trickle that is likely to turn into a deluge. Delisted companies currently remain subject to the reporting rules of Sarbanes-Oxley if they have over 300 US shareholders, so the saving might seem negligible. But US regulator the Securities and Exchange Commission is proposing to ease that rule. BT is among the UK companies to have signalled it would like to delist from the US if it can also escape the clutches of Sarbanes-Oxley.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t\u00bb <em>As significant are the companies that are not now coming to Wall Street at all. Clara Furse, chief executive of the London Stock Exchange, says it has benefited as international companies choose to list in London instead  both on the main market and on AIM, which is attracting growth companies that might once have been Nasdaq bound.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t\u00bb <em>In the insurance industry, the US is demanding that foreign-owned reinsurers deposit big sums in a trust fund to compensate US partners should they fail. This was slammed last week by Lloyd&rsquo;s of London chairman Lord Levene as discriminatory and totally unacceptable.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t\u00bb <em>Perceived discrimination in other areas might also damage America&rsquo;s economic future. The head of chip maker Intel, Craig Barrett, has complained repeatedly that the US is losing out on international talent because of the tightening of immigration laws after 9\/11, which led to lots of hi-tech engineers losing their work permits. Intel, Microsoft and others are channelling investment into India that might otherwise have stayed in the US.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t\u00bb <em>The issue flared up again last week when a prominent Indian scientist was refused a visa for the US because of concern that his work had chemical weapons applications. The case of Goverdhan Mehta, who is president of the International Council for Science, a Paris-based group of national scientific academies, has caused a storm in India. Mr Reinsch says the Mehta case is another blow to the US&rsquo;s attempts to attract the world&rsquo;s best scientists. Meanwhile, Tony Blair has been moved to warn US politicians not to use the war on terror as a back door route to protectionism. And the NatWest Three ruling prompted Sir Digby Jones, director-general of the CBI, to call the US an ignorant bully.<\/em> \u00bb<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Il y a n\u00e9o-protectionnisme et n\u00e9o-protectionnisme 1er mars 2006 Diverses initiatives et pol\u00e9miques contribuent actuellement \u00e0 renforcer la perception d&rsquo;un retour du protectionnisme (ou l&rsquo;arriv\u00e9e d&rsquo;un n\u00e9o-protectionnisme). Il est identifi\u00e9 de mani\u00e8re diff\u00e9rente, par exemple comme du patriotisme \u00e9conomique (en France) ou assimil\u00e9 indirectement \u00e0 la guerre contre la terreur (aux Etats-Unis). Cette diff\u00e9rence d&rsquo;identification&hellip;&nbsp;<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"","ping_status":"","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"neve_meta_sidebar":"","neve_meta_container":"","neve_meta_enable_content_width":"","neve_meta_content_width":0,"neve_meta_title_alignment":"","neve_meta_author_avatar":"","neve_post_elements_order":"","neve_meta_disable_header":"","neve_meta_disable_footer":"","neve_meta_disable_title":"","footnotes":""},"categories":[10],"tags":[5133,4751,4663,1097,1267],"class_list":["post-67313","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-faits-et-commentaires","tag-dubai","tag-economique","tag-patriotisme","tag-protectionnisme","tag-terrorisme"],"jetpack_featured_media_url":"","_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/67313","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=67313"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/67313\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=67313"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=67313"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=67313"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}