{"id":67767,"date":"2006-07-19T00:00:00","date_gmt":"2006-07-19T00:00:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/2006\/07\/19\/la-crise-israelo-libanaise-vue-par-john-chuckman\/"},"modified":"2006-07-19T00:00:00","modified_gmt":"2006-07-19T00:00:00","slug":"la-crise-israelo-libanaise-vue-par-john-chuckman","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/2006\/07\/19\/la-crise-israelo-libanaise-vue-par-john-chuckman\/","title":{"rendered":"La crise isra\u00e9lo-libanaise, vue par John Chuckman<\/em><\/strong>"},"content":{"rendered":"

La crise isra\u00e9lo-libanaise, vue par John Chuckman<\/h3>\n<\/p>\n

<\/p>\n

\t19 juillet 2006 La crise isra\u00e9lo-libanaise soul\u00e8ve nombre de commentaires. Elle met en \u00e9vidence les contradictions et les cons\u00e9quences destructrices impliqu\u00e9es aujourd’hui par l’usage massif de la force dans des situations o\u00f9 l’adversaire est par nature irr\u00e9gulier, difficilement identifiable, etc., un adversaire typique de la guerre de la quatri\u00e8me g\u00e9n\u00e9ration. Elle place les gouvernements qui ont choisi la dialectique am\u00e9ricaniste (la guerre contre la terreur consid\u00e9r\u00e9e comme une agression purement militaire qui doit \u00eatre trait\u00e9e par ces seuls moyens) dans une situation de plus en plus inconfortable.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\tCe qui se passe au Liban m\u00e9rite \u00e9galement des r\u00e9actions tr\u00e8s vives, du point de vue du jugement moral qu’on est compl\u00e8tement en droit d’exercer. De ce point de vue, Isra\u00ebl risque gros pour sa r\u00e9putation et son statut international, quels que soient les arguments de base qui sont avanc\u00e9s. Il y a la force et la logique des \u00e9v\u00e9nements tels que nous les observons, et tout le reste s’efface rapidement.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\tVoici un commentaire de John Chuckman sur la crise libanaise. A noter l’hypoth\u00e8se qu’il avance, selon laquelle les Isra\u00e9liens pourraient bien chercher \u00e0 d\u00e9clencher une guerre civile au Liban pour d\u00e9tourner le Hezbollah de son objectif isra\u00e9lien.<\/p>\n

When terror is just fine<\/h2>\n<\/p>\n

\tBy John Chuckman<\/strong> <\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\tFollowing the assassination of Reinhard Heidrich by Czech partisans in 1942, Hitler’s government executed all the men in the village of Lidici, sent its women and children to concentration camps, and razed the village to the ground. A few weeks later, the barbarism was repeated on the village of Lezaky.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\tLidici was far from being the worst atrocity of the war, but it rightly came to symbolize heartless oppression by occupiers, what we sometimes today call state terror. <\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\tI cannot think of another historical example which better parallels Israel’s savage behavior in Lebanon. Two of its soldiers are kidnapped, and Israel quickly destroys much of the infrastructure of Lebanon, cuts the country off from the world, and kills, at this writing, two hundred civilians. <\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\tAlready forgotten in the press is Israel’s behavior leading up to events in Lebanon. Israel had blown up an entire family on a Gaza beach and carried out a number of other killings and assassinations. It killed about twenty innocent people in a week or so. The pitiful efforts of people in Gaza to respond to the outrages were met by more killing and a partial invasion. Most of the cabinet of Palestine was kidnapped, and the elected Prime Minister was openly threatened with assassination. <\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\tWe might try a thought experiment to bring a contemporary perspective to Israel’s behavior. Suppose we take the view of Hezbollah as a vicious, well-armed street gang in a city like Chicago, rather than a guerrilla movement in a country previously invaded by Israel. This is in fact something close to Israel’s view of Hezbollah.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\tNow, suppose the Chicago gang kidnapped a couple of policemen and tried to ransom some of its members out of prison. This would cause a huge response, but would that response include the Illinois National Guard bombing the city’s black ghetto areas, indiscriminately killing hundreds, destroying homes and businesses, and imprisoning tens of thousands by not allowing normal contact with the city? Would the government say it is up to the people of the ghetto to get rid of the gang?<\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\tTo ask the question is to have the answer. Such ruthlessness would bring immediate, overwhelming, world-wide condemnation. <\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\tThen, we must ask why Israel isn’t condemned in the same fashion? Actually, it is condemned by much of the world, but it is praised and supported by Bush and most of the powerful, war-loving American press. <\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\tNo, instead of condemnation, we get Orwellian stuff about Israel’s measured or appropriate response, as though anything short of carpet-bombing or nuclear weapons qualifies as measured, and about a second front opening up, as though Israel were bravely fighting a war, but there is no war, only Israel’s savage retribution against two states with groups it hates. <\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\tSomehow Israel expects a weak state like Lebanon to take on Hezbollah and eliminate it. Yet Israel is too fearful itself of casualties to take on this gang directly. It would rather bomb and threaten others into attempting it, something that if even attempted would tip Lebanon into civil war once again. <\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\tOf course, Israel’s view of civil wars in other countries is rather different than the view of those who must suffer through them. Violence weakens and effectively neutralizes them, just as the American-induced anarchy in Iraq effectively sweeps an old foe away for years to come.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n

<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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