Il est int\u00e9ressant de constater que c’est dans les colonnes du Financial Times<\/em>, quotidien r\u00e9put\u00e9 pour \u00eatre un grand d\u00e9fenseur du monde des affaires, qu’on trouve l’une des critiques les plus tranchantes de l’affaire BAE\/Yamamah<\/em> qu’on ait pu lire. On la trouve sous la plume de l’\u00e9ditorialiste Wolfgang Munchau<\/a> et, effectivement, la conclusion est sans appel.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n \tMunchau examine en parall\u00e8le l’affaire BAE et une r\u00e9cente affaire de corruption chez Siemens, qui a conduit la semaine derni\u00e8re \u00e0 l’arrestation d’un ancien membre du conseil d’administration. Il observe qu’il s’agit l\u00e0, non de cas isol\u00e9s mais d’une attitude de syst\u00e8me, impliquant une culture d’entreprise qui embrasse sans aucune restriction la pratique de la corruption. Puisqu’il n’y a aucun cas d’enrichissement personnel dans ces affaires, on ne peut les r\u00e9duire \u00e0 des individus qui repr\u00e9senteraient des pommes pourries dans un panier de fruits rest\u00e9s sains. \u00abWhy would employees voluntarily commit a felony for the almost exclusive benefit of someone else? The only conceivable explanation is if the company rewarded such behaviour, for example through promotions or bonuses.<\/em>\u00bb<\/p>\n<\/p>\n \tMais il faut bien finalement trancher entre les deux affaires. Laquelle est la plus grave dans ses effets et dans ses cons\u00e9quences? Finalement, Munchau semble implicitement se d\u00e9cider pour l’affaire Yamamah<\/em>\/BAE parce qu’elle conduit \u00e0 la perversion la plus extr\u00eame, qui est l’implication du gouvernement, le repr\u00e9sentant du bien public et des int\u00e9r\u00eats de la nation. Ainsi met-il en \u00e9vidence la monstruosit\u00e9 formelle et juridique que repr\u00e9sente la d\u00e9marche<\/a> du gouvernement britannique (Lord Goldsmith, pouss\u00e9 par Tony Blair) dans la mesure o\u00f9 cette d\u00e9marche tend \u00e0 r\u00e9duire la corruption au niveau des crimes relatifs, qui ne sont pas condamnables dans l’absolu, qui, dans certaines circonstances, deviennent le contraire orwellien d’un crime puisqu’ils sont implicitement salu\u00e9s comme un acte de vertu dans l’int\u00e9r\u00eat national. Il y a de ces paroles officielles qui resteront.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n \t\u00abA necessary, but not sufficient condition for an anti-corruption climate is the right system of legal incentives. In Germany, bribes to foreign officials were tax deductible until 1999. In other words, corruption was not only condoned, but officially encouraged. This is no longer the case.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n \t\u00bbThe UK seems to be moving in the opposite direction. The statement by Lord Goldsmith, the UK’s attorney-general, that the wider public interest…outweighed the need to maintain the rule of law in the case of BAE Systems may set a dangerous precedent. If bribery can occasionally be in the national interest, then it cannot be morally wrong in principle. It is a relative crime, depending on who does the bribing and who gets bribed. The logical error in Lord Goldsmith’s argument is the failure to take into account the effect of his own decision. If it leads to more corruption, as it undoubtedly will, it cannot be in the public interest.<\/em>\u00bb<\/p>\n<\/p>\n <\/p>\n \tMis en ligne le 19 d\u00e9cembre 2006 \u00e0 03H49<\/p><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" Il est int\u00e9ressant de constater que c’est dans les colonnes du Financial Times, quotidien r\u00e9put\u00e9 pour \u00eatre un grand d\u00e9fenseur du monde des affaires, qu’on trouve l’une des critiques les plus tranchantes de l’affaire BAE\/Yamamah qu’on ait pu lire. On la trouve sous la plume de l’\u00e9ditorialiste Wolfgang Munchau et, effectivement, la conclusion est sans… <\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"","ping_status":"","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"neve_meta_sidebar":"","neve_meta_container":"","neve_meta_enable_content_width":"","neve_meta_content_width":0,"neve_meta_title_alignment":"","neve_meta_author_avatar":"","neve_post_elements_order":"","neve_meta_disable_header":"","neve_meta_disable_footer":"","neve_meta_disable_title":"","_jetpack_memberships_contains_paid_content":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[2],"tags":[3792,3858,6234,4364],"class_list":["post-68320","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-bloc-notes","tag-bae","tag-corruption","tag-siemens","tag-yamamah"],"jetpack_featured_media_url":"","jetpack_sharing_enabled":true,"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/68320","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=68320"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/68320\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=68320"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=68320"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=68320"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}