jour<\/a>, qui concerne effectivement cet aspect de l’affaire BAE.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n\t\u00abBut beyond the increase in the British portion of the global arms business, DESO also aimed to secure British control over the entirety of the Western arms business, through off-balance-sheet arrangements that would be impossible to pull off under American law. Simpson revealed that, under Al-Yamamah, American and other foreign firms were also allowed to cash in on the deal:<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n\t\u00bbThe Al-Yamamah deal Mrs. Thatcher negotiated placed British Aerospace as the prime contractor for the provision of any other military equipment purchased for Saudi Arabia. By supporting not just the British aircraft but the American aircraft too,’ said Edwards, Al-Yamamah was an integral part of supporting the Saudi Air Force in total.’ He stressed that DESO and British Aerospace have thus ended up supporting all Saudi aircraft the Peace Shield program all funded through Al-Yamamah. Edwards concluded, In other words, the value of this stream of income and what it is used for has drifted a little bit over the years into things other than it was originally destined for.’<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n\t\u00bbIn effect, Simpson admitted, Al-Yamamah would become a backdoor method of covertly buying U.S. arms for the kingdom; military hardware purchases that would not be visible to Congress. It specifically had been structured to provide an unparalleled degree of flexibility whereby the Saudis could purchase military equipment under the imprimatur of DESO and British Aerospace.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n\t\u00bbSimpson, who wrote The Prince as virtually a ghost autobiography of the enigmatic Saudi diplomat Prince Bandar, acknowledged that the sheer magnitude of the oil-for-jets deal raised serious questions of corruption.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n\t\u00bbThe ingenious diversity of Al-Yamamah, he wrote, together with the British government’s discretion and liberal approach to a unique finance deal, largely founded on the undisputed collateral of the huge Saudi oil reserves, could explain the financial black holes assumed by a suspicious media to be evidence of commissions.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n\t\u00bbBut, Simpson explained, Although Al-Yamamah constitutes a highly unconventional way of doing business, its lucrative spin-offs are the by-products of a wholly political objective: a Saudi political objective and a British political objective. Al-Yamamah is, first and foremost, a political contract. Negotiated at the height of the Cold War, its unique structure has enabled the Saudis to purchase weapons from around the globe to fund the fight against Communism. Al-Yamamah money can be found in the clandestine purchase of Russian ordnance used in the expulsion of Qadaffi’s troops from Chad. It can also be traced to arms bought from Egypt and other countries, and sent to the Mujahideen in Afghanistan fighting the Soviet occupying forces.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n\t\u00bbArguably,\u00a0\u00bb Simpson admitted, its consummate flexibility is needed because of inevitable opposition to Saudi arms purchases in Congress…. The oil barter arrangement circumvented such bureaucracy.<\/em>\u00bb<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<\/p>\n
\tMis en ligne le 8 juillet 2007 \u00e0 12H45<\/p><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
Il appara\u00eet de plus en plus, au fil des semaines, au fil des r\u00e9v\u00e9lations, que l’affaire BAE (d\u00e9sormais, plus que l’affaire, ou le scandale BAE-Yamamah, expression d\u00e9cid\u00e9ment trop restrictive) est quelque chose de colossal, un artefact postmoderne repr\u00e9sentant un montage du syst\u00e8me anglo-saxon (saoudien) pour permettre des activit\u00e9s fondamentales o\u00f9 la corruption a sa part,… <\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"","ping_status":"","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"neve_meta_sidebar":"","neve_meta_container":"","neve_meta_enable_content_width":"","neve_meta_content_width":0,"neve_meta_title_alignment":"","neve_meta_author_avatar":"","neve_post_elements_order":"","neve_meta_disable_header":"","neve_meta_disable_footer":"","neve_meta_disable_title":"","_jetpack_memberships_contains_paid_content":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[2],"tags":[3792,5667,3858,6433,4928,3552,3600,6828,6829],"class_list":["post-68985","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-bloc-notes","tag-bae","tag-bandar","tag-corruption","tag-edwards","tag-eir","tag-larouche","tag-petrole","tag-simpson","tag-steinberg"],"jetpack_featured_media_url":"","jetpack_sharing_enabled":true,"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/68985","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=68985"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/68985\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=68985"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=68985"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=68985"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}