{"id":69170,"date":"2007-08-30T00:00:00","date_gmt":"2007-08-30T00:00:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/2007\/08\/30\/de-quelle-guerre-sagit-il\/"},"modified":"2007-08-30T00:00:00","modified_gmt":"2007-08-30T00:00:00","slug":"de-quelle-guerre-sagit-il","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/2007\/08\/30\/de-quelle-guerre-sagit-il\/","title":{"rendered":"De quelle guerre s&rsquo;agit-il?"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><p>Il est extr\u00eamement important d&rsquo;admettre que lorsque les deux interventions sur l&rsquo;Iran, celle de <a href=\"http:\/\/www.dedefensa.org\/article.php?art_id=4364\" class=\"gen\">Sarkozy<\/a> et celle de <a href=\"http:\/\/www.dedefensa.org\/article.php?art_id=4371\" class=\"gen\">Bush<\/a> sont mises en parall\u00e8le, les intentions et les possibilit\u00e9s de guerre qui sont \u00e9voqu\u00e9es ont toutes les chances d&rsquo;\u00eatre <strong>tr\u00e8s<\/strong> diff\u00e9rentes.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\tSur le premier cas, celui des intentions, il y a ce commentaire d&rsquo;Arnaud de Borchgrave, en g\u00e9n\u00e9ral tr\u00e8s bien inform\u00e9 et venu d&rsquo;une position d&rsquo;extr\u00eame droite \u00e0 une position assez ind\u00e9pendante dans le monde politique washingtonien. Dans un commentaire pour UPI du <a href=\"http:\/\/www.spacewar.com\/reports\/Commentary_The_next_war_999.html\" class=\"gen\">29 ao\u00fbt<\/a>, Borchgrave interpr\u00e8te l&rsquo;intervention de Sarkozy comme relevant beaucoup plus d&rsquo;une tentative pour faire avancer l&rsquo;issue diplomatique et tenter d&rsquo;\u00e9carter l&rsquo;alternative qu&rsquo;il qualifie de catastrophique (la bombe iranienne ou le bombardement de l&rsquo;Iran) : <\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t\u00ab<em>After a brief interruption of his New Hampshire vacation to meet President Bush in the family compound at Kennebunkport, Maine, French President Nicolas Sarkozy came away convinced his U.S. counterpart is serious about bombing Iran&rsquo;s secret nuclear facilities. That&rsquo;s the reading as it filtered back to Europe&rsquo;s foreign ministries:<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t\u00bb<em>Addressing the annual meeting of France&rsquo;s ambassadors to 188 countries, Sarkozy said either Iran lives up to its international obligations and relinquishes its nuclear ambitions or it will be bombed into compliance.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t\u00bb<em>Sarkozy also made clear he did not agree with the Iranian-bomb-or-bombing-of-Iran position, which reflects the pledge Bush made to his loyalists and endorsed by GOP presidential candidate Sen. John McCain and independent Sen. Joe Lieberman.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t\u00bb<em>But Sarkozy recognized unless Iran&rsquo;s theocrats stop enriching uranium to weapons-grade levels under International Atomic Energy Agency inspection, we will all be faced with an alternative that I call catastrophic.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t\u00bb<em>A ranking Swiss official, speaking privately, said, Anyone with a modicum of experience in the Middle East knows that any bombing of Iran would touch off at the very least regional instability and what could be an unmitigated disaster for Western interests.<\/em>\u00bb<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\tEnsuite, Borchgrave encha\u00eene sur la question du classement comme organisation terroriste de l&rsquo;organisation iranienne des Gardiens de la R\u00e9volution (IRGC). Cette question nous ram\u00e8ne \u00e0 la sc\u00e8ne politicienne int\u00e9rieure de Washington, sujet sur lequel il est int\u00e9ressant de lire le commentaire de Trita Parsi, <a href=\"http:\/\/www.antiwar.com\/ips\/parsi.php?articleid=11526\" class=\"gen\">ce jour<\/a> sur <em>Antiwar.com<\/em>. Parsi, un historien et un universitaire d&rsquo;origine iranienne travaillant aux USA (il a pr\u00e9sent\u00e9 avec succ\u00e8s une th\u00e8se de doctorat en 2006 avec le soutien de Fukuyama et de Brzezinki \u00e0 John Hopkins University), a une particuli\u00e8re connaissance des questions iraniennes et des rapports entre les USA et l&rsquo;Iran. L&rsquo;analyse cit\u00e9e ici place compl\u00e8tement l&rsquo;actuelle pouss\u00e9e agressive de l&rsquo;administration Bush contre l&rsquo;Iran dans le cadre de la situation politique washingtonienne et de la crise irakienne. C&rsquo;est une vision compl\u00e8tement diff\u00e9rente de la vision europ\u00e9enne (fran\u00e7aise) qui concerne, elle, le seul aspect du nucl\u00e9aire iranien par rapport aux trait\u00e9s internationaux.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\tParsi d\u00e9crit l&rsquo;activisme US anti-iranien en Irak (avec des arrestations \u00e0 Bagdad d&rsquo;Iraniens en s\u00e9jour l\u00e9gal en Irak \u00e0 la demande du gouvernement irakien) co\u00efncidant avec le discours de Bush devant l&rsquo;American Legion. Il rapproche ce discours de celui du 10 janvier :  \u00ab<em>In fact, Bush&rsquo;s speech to the veterans in Nevada has several similarities to his address to the nation on Jan. 10. That was also slated as a major speech on Iraq, though it spelled out little new about Washington&rsquo;s strategy except to call for staying the course. Instead, it revealed key elements of the U.S.&rsquo; new aggressive posture on Iran.<\/em>\u00bb<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\tIl s&rsquo;agit bien d&rsquo;une tactique interne, tendant \u00e0 obtenir des d\u00e9cisions et des soutiens \u00e0 la politique irakienne par le biais d&rsquo;accusations contre l&rsquo;Iran, en d\u00e9pla\u00e7ant le probl\u00e8me vers des accusations contre l&rsquo;Iran. Avec le parall\u00e8le entre les deux discours (10 janvier et 28 ao\u00fbt), Parsi constate que, plus que jamais, il s&rsquo;agit ici d&rsquo;un affrontement entre la Maison-Blanche et le Congr\u00e8s,  avec, comme enjeu, une attaque contre l&rsquo;Iran, mais dans des conditions sans rapport direct avec la crise iranienne (nucl\u00e9aire) proprement dite. Mais, aujourd&rsquo;hui, la situation est beaucoup plus grave qu&rsquo;en janvier et le Congr\u00e8s est dans une position tr\u00e8s diff\u00e9rente pour \u00e9ventuellement freiner les intentions belliqueuses de l&rsquo;administration contre l&rsquo;Iran.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t\u00ab<em>At a hearing in the Senate Foreign Relations Committee a day after the president&rsquo;s Jan. 10 address, Sen. Chuck Hagel of Nebraska drew parallels with the Richard Nixon administration&rsquo;s attempt to deceive the public regarding the U.S. government&rsquo;s efforts to expand the Vietnam War into Cambodia.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t\u00bb<em> [O]ur government lied to the American people and said we didn&rsquo;t cross the border going into Cambodia. In fact we did, he told Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice. I think this speech given last night by this president represents the most dangerous foreign policy blunder in this country since Vietnam, if it&rsquo;s carried out. I will resist it, Hagel continued.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t\u00bb<em>Other lawmakers publicly questioned the veracity of the president&rsquo;s allegations regarding Iranian involvement in Iraq. All in all, the pushback from Congress in January is believed to have played a key role in preventing hawks in the administration from forcing the U.S. into a military confrontation with Iran.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t\u00bb<em>But with Congress preparing for a fight over Iraq  not Iran  and with key lawmakers planning to pass legislation imposing harsh new sanctions on Tehran, Congress&rsquo; ability and willingness to simultaneously contain deliberate or unintentional escalation with Iran may be limited. If so, there may be little business as usual about Washington and Tehran&rsquo;s intensified war of words.<\/em>\u00bb<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><\/p>\n<p><p>\tMis en ligne le 30 ao\u00fbt 2007 \u00e0 10H51<\/p><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Il est extr\u00eamement important d&rsquo;admettre que lorsque les deux interventions sur l&rsquo;Iran, celle de Sarkozy et celle de Bush sont mises en parall\u00e8le, les intentions et les possibilit\u00e9s de guerre qui sont \u00e9voqu\u00e9es ont toutes les chances d&rsquo;\u00eatre tr\u00e8s diff\u00e9rentes. Sur le premier cas, celui des intentions, il y a ce commentaire d&rsquo;Arnaud de Borchgrave,&hellip;&nbsp;<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"","ping_status":"","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"neve_meta_sidebar":"","neve_meta_container":"","neve_meta_enable_content_width":"","neve_meta_content_width":0,"neve_meta_title_alignment":"","neve_meta_author_avatar":"","neve_post_elements_order":"","neve_meta_disable_header":"","neve_meta_disable_footer":"","neve_meta_disable_title":"","_jetpack_memberships_contains_paid_content":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[2],"tags":[1257,868,857,2773,6990,4590],"class_list":["post-69170","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-bloc-notes","tag-borchgrave","tag-bush","tag-irak","tag-iran","tag-parsi","tag-sarkozy"],"jetpack_featured_media_url":"","jetpack_sharing_enabled":true,"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/69170","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=69170"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/69170\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=69170"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=69170"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=69170"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}