4 novembre<\/a> propose une recension du livre par Art Winslow.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n\tLa th\u00e8se expos\u00e9e, qui prend corps avec les \u00e9lections de novembre 1994 (victoire du parti r\u00e9publicain rassembl\u00e9 sur les th\u00e8ses extr\u00e9mistes de Newt Gingrich) et qui ne cesse de s’affirmer dans les \u00e9v\u00e9nements \u00e9lectoraux depuis 9\/11 et la seconde \u00e9lection du GW Bush, est extr\u00eamement int\u00e9ressante. Elle d\u00e9crit les m\u00e9canismes de communication, de relations publiques, de politique \u00e9lectorale, qui conduisent par automatisme \u00e0 une radicalisation des deux partis d’un m\u00eame syst\u00e8me id\u00e9ologique (le syst\u00e8me d\u00e9mocratique, cela va de soi). La question ch\u00e8re \u00e0 Tocqueville de la dictature de la majorit\u00e9 est d\u00e9pass\u00e9e, amplifi\u00e9e, rendue \u00e0 la fois dramatique et insupportable. En effet, les majorit\u00e9s techniquement d\u00e9mocratiques et souvent ill\u00e9gitimes, d’une d\u00e9mocratie totalement d\u00e9pouill\u00e9e de son esprit politique initial, se constituent sur des th\u00e8mes de plus en plus extr\u00e9mistes, selon une \u00e9volution qui semble sans retour tant elle s’alimente elle-m\u00eame. La d\u00e9mocratie US est donc devenue \u00e0 la fois prisonni\u00e8re de sa dialectique publicitaire \u00e9lectorale qui pousse vers l’extr\u00e9misme, et de son fondement de dictature de la majorit\u00e9. L’ensemble conduit \u00e0 une dictature des extr\u00e9mismes constitu\u00e9s en majorit\u00e9. La d\u00e9mocratie US est devenue \u00e9galement une particratie maximaliste car ce processus se fait \u00e9videmment aux d\u00e9pens du peu d’esprit public encore existant aux USA. Non seulement l’\u00e9poque du bipartisanship<\/em> (unit\u00e9 nationale des deux partis sur des questions d’int\u00e9r\u00eat sup\u00e9rieur) mise en place pendant la Guerre froide est finie, mais le retour \u00e0 la division partisane se fait par le biais d’une m\u00e9canique infernale qui force \u00e0 l’extr\u00e9misme. C’est une situation extr\u00eamement instable et dont l’instabilit\u00e9 ne cessera de cro\u00eetre, et qui est naturellement sans pr\u00e9c\u00e9dent.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n\t\u00abTake the concept of an hourglass economy, in which the middle is squeezed to near nonexistence, and apply it to politics the major parties and the gravitations of the electorate and you have approximated our plight as Ronald Brownstein lays it out in The Second Civil War.’ Wielding a catchphrase lifted from Ken Mehlman, campaign manager for George W. Bush in 2004 and chairman of the Republican National Committee for part of Bush’s second term, Brownstein calls this the age of hyperpartisanship, in which almost every force related to our political life operates as an integrated machine to push the parties apart and to sharpen the disagreements in American life.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n\t\u00bbParty leaders have taken the gloves off, and Brownstein wants them put back on before we’re sorry although he suspects many of us, whether red state or blue, are sorry already and waving the white flag. What’s unusual now is that the political system is more polarized than the country, he writes, and the impulse to harmonize divergent interests has almost vanished from the capital; increasing divergence, not the breadth of the underlying divisions itself, is the defining characteristic of our era.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n\t\u00bbBrownstein, former chief political correspondent for The Times and a two-time Pulitzer Prize finalist for his coverage of presidential elections, contends that we are caught in a feedback loop of extremism in party politics: The GOP delivered a punishing preemptive strike, and the Democrats, caught off guard and pummeled from snoozy to woozy, are attempting to shake it off by fighting back in equally blunt fashion. Like a breeder reactor, this type of politics creates its own fuel.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n\t\u00bbMany surely consider revivified opposition to the party in power all to the good, but Brownstein argues cogently for why the overall situation is not, and why when it comes to such matters as border security, budgetary concerns, greenhouse gases and fighting terrorism we are stalemated by either\/or choices and kept from the constructive compromises between the parties required to confront these problems. Using polls from Gallup and the Pew Foundation and election studies conducted since 1948 by the University of Michigan to buttress his points, along with plentiful interview material and examples drawn from congressional history throughout the last century and into this one, Brownstein presents both a biting critique of current political practices and an investigation into their origins.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n\t\u00bbThe contrast with good old-fashioned gridlock the classic complaint about Washington, the major parties having long obstructed each other’s goals is telling. Especially since the election of 2000 but stretching back to the 1994 midterm elections, the Republican Party has morphed into a centrally directed, ideologically coherent institution that demands loyalty, isolates and punishes dissent, and mobilizes every conceivable resource allied with it against the other side. Bush and his advisors accelerated a process already underway by rejecting the assumption that controlling the center of the electorate is the key to success in American politics.<\/em>\u00bb<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<\/p>\n
\tMis en ligne le 5 novembre 2007 \u00e0 22H17<\/p><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
Un livre paru aux USA, The Second Civil War de Ronald Brownstein, envisage comme une situation de quasi-guerre civile l’enfermement de la vie publique dans la polarisation politique aux USA. Le Los Angeles Times du 4 novembre propose une recension du livre par Art Winslow. La th\u00e8se expos\u00e9e, qui prend corps avec les \u00e9lections de… <\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"","ping_status":"","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"neve_meta_sidebar":"","neve_meta_container":"","neve_meta_enable_content_width":"","neve_meta_content_width":0,"neve_meta_title_alignment":"","neve_meta_author_avatar":"","neve_post_elements_order":"","neve_meta_disable_header":"","neve_meta_disable_footer":"","neve_meta_disable_title":"","_jetpack_memberships_contains_paid_content":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[2],"tags":[7195,2880,4417,2645,4028,2804],"class_list":["post-69385","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-bloc-notes","tag-brownstein","tag-civile","tag-extremisme","tag-guerre","tag-particratie","tag-usa"],"jetpack_featured_media_url":"","jetpack_sharing_enabled":true,"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/69385","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=69385"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/69385\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=69385"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=69385"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=69385"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}