{"id":69527,"date":"2007-12-22T00:00:00","date_gmt":"2007-12-22T00:00:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/2007\/12\/22\/confirmation-le-role-personnel-et-passionne-de-tony-blair-dans-letouffement-du-scandale-bae-yamamah\/"},"modified":"2007-12-22T00:00:00","modified_gmt":"2007-12-22T00:00:00","slug":"confirmation-le-role-personnel-et-passionne-de-tony-blair-dans-letouffement-du-scandale-bae-yamamah","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/2007\/12\/22\/confirmation-le-role-personnel-et-passionne-de-tony-blair-dans-letouffement-du-scandale-bae-yamamah\/","title":{"rendered":"Confirmation : le r\u00f4le personnel et passionn\u00e9 de Tony Blair dans l’\u00e9touffement du scandale BAE-Yamamah<\/em><\/strong>"},"content":{"rendered":"

Des documents officiels que le Guardian<\/em> a r\u00e9ussi \u00e0 obtenir confirment que l’\u00e9touffement du scandale BAE-Yamamah<\/em>, il y a un an<\/a>, fut l’affaire personnelle de Tony Blair, et que l’action du Premier ministre dans ce sens \u00e9tait d\u00e9j\u00e0 effective en octobre 2006, deux mois avant la d\u00e9cision d\u00e9finitive. Le Premier ministre s’engagea personnellement \u00e0 fond dans cette affaire, for\u00e7ant la main de son ministre de la justice, Lord Goldsmith, pour ordonner l’arr\u00eat de l’enqu\u00eate du Special Fraud Office contre la firme BAE.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\tCes r\u00e9v\u00e9lations renforcent deux facteurs essentiels de cette affaire:<\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\t Que Tony Blair jugeait comme fondamentale cette affaire, notamment par ses implications sur les relations entre le Royaume-Uni et l’Arabie Saoudite. Il ne doutait pas un instant que l’enqu\u00eate du SFO aboutirait \u00e0 la mise en cause judiciaire, non seulement de BAE mais de personnalit\u00e9s saoudiennes (Prince Bandar<\/a> notamment) et an\u00e9antirait toute possibilit\u00e9 de poursuivre les relations de ventes d’armement (chasseurs Typhoon<\/em>), avec le cort\u00e8ge de retomb\u00e9es diverses, notamment le montage de corruptions diverses.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\t Que BAE et ses diverses ramifications constituent une puissance strat\u00e9gique qui tient<\/a> l’establishment<\/em> et la direction politique britannique. BAE est notamment la cheville ouvri\u00e8re et le ma\u00eetre d’uvre des relations entre le Royaume-Uni et l’Arabie, autant par les ventes d’armes que les divers pr\u00e9bendes que la firme fait parvenir \u00e0 ses divers relais dans la direction saoudienne. Il s’agit bien d’une affaire extraordinaire o\u00f9 une situation de haute strat\u00e9gie de la plus grande importance d\u00e9pend presque exclusivement de questions mercantiles, dont la corruption est l’\u00e9l\u00e9ment essentiel. Le Guardian<\/em> du 15 d\u00e9cembre 2006 \u00e9crivait : \u00abIt is two decades since Margaret Thatcher secured the first of the big Al-Yamamah arms deals with Saudi Arabia, and arms sales have coloured relations with Saudi ever since. The sway BAE Systems holds over the top of the British establishment is extraordinary.<\/em>\u00bb<\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\tVoici des extraits des r\u00e9v\u00e9lations du Guardian<\/em> d’aujourd’hui<\/a>:<\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\t\u00abGovernment memos stamped Secret’ reveal that the then attorney general, Lord Goldsmith, twice tried in vain to stop Blair interfering in the criminal investigation.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\t\u00bbHis chief of staff told the cabinet secretary, Gus O’Donnell, on October 3 2006: The attorney general is of the firm view that, if the case is in fact soundly based, it would not be right to discontinue it.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\t\u00bbThis followed Saudi threats of repercussions if the Serious Fraud Office investigation into bribery allegations involving the Saudi royals and the arms group BAE was allowed to proceed.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\t\u00bbBut Blair wrote a Secret and Personal’ letter to Goldsmith on December 8 2006, demanding he stop the investigation. He said he was concerned about the critical difficulty in negotiations over a new Typhoon fighter sales contract, as well as a real and immediate risk of a collapse in UK\/Saudi security, intelligence and diplomatic cooperation.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\t\u00bbBlair said these were extremely difficult and delicate issues but he knew that constitutionally any intervention you make … must be your decision alone. Politicians normally have no right to interfere in a criminal case.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\t\u00bbGoldsmith again attempted to resist. He saw Blair three days later and said, according to the official minute, that while he could see the force of [Blair’s] points … he was concerned that halting the investigation would send a bad message about the credibility of the law in this area, and look like giving in to threats.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\t\u00bbBlair told him higher considerations were at stake. He also personally vetoed a proposal that BAE could plead guilty to lesser corruption charges, saying this would be unlikely to reduce the offence caused to the Saudi royal family.<\/em>\u00bb<\/p>\n<\/p>\n

<\/p>\n

\tMis en ligne le 22 d\u00e9cembre 2007 \u00e0 13H35<\/p><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Des documents officiels que le Guardian a r\u00e9ussi \u00e0 obtenir confirment que l’\u00e9touffement du scandale BAE-Yamamah, il y a un an, fut l’affaire personnelle de Tony Blair, et que l’action du Premier ministre dans ce sens \u00e9tait d\u00e9j\u00e0 effective en octobre 2006, deux mois avant la d\u00e9cision d\u00e9finitive. Le Premier ministre s’engagea personnellement \u00e0 fond… <\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"","ping_status":"","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"neve_meta_sidebar":"","neve_meta_container":"","neve_meta_enable_content_width":"","neve_meta_content_width":0,"neve_meta_title_alignment":"","neve_meta_author_avatar":"","neve_post_elements_order":"","neve_meta_disable_header":"","neve_meta_disable_footer":"","neve_meta_disable_title":"","_jetpack_memberships_contains_paid_content":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[2],"tags":[3259,3792,5667,705,3858,3471,4364],"class_list":["post-69527","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-bloc-notes","tag-arabie","tag-bae","tag-bandar","tag-blair","tag-corruption","tag-scandale","tag-yamamah"],"jetpack_featured_media_url":"","jetpack_sharing_enabled":true,"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/69527","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=69527"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/69527\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=69527"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=69527"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=69527"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}