{"id":70117,"date":"2008-08-18T12:40:59","date_gmt":"2008-08-18T12:40:59","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/2008\/08\/18\/les-consequences-inattendues-des-convictions-irreprochables-et-inebranlables-du-ministre-bernard-k\/"},"modified":"2008-08-18T12:40:59","modified_gmt":"2008-08-18T12:40:59","slug":"les-consequences-inattendues-des-convictions-irreprochables-et-inebranlables-du-ministre-bernard-k","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/2008\/08\/18\/les-consequences-inattendues-des-convictions-irreprochables-et-inebranlables-du-ministre-bernard-k\/","title":{"rendered":"Les cons\u00e9quences inattendues des convictions irr\u00e9prochables et in\u00e9branlables du ministre Bernard K."},"content":{"rendered":"<p><p>L&rsquo;une des <em>stars<\/em> de la crise, y compris sous la menace de la mitraille lundi dernier  \u00e0 Gori, ville natale de Staline, c&rsquo;est incontestablement le ministre fran\u00e7ais des affaires \u00e9trang\u00e8res. Citons John Lichfield, de <em>The Independent<\/em>, tra\u00e7ant un portrait d\u00e9taill\u00e9 du ministre le <a href=\"http:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/bernard-kouchner-the-healer-899044.html\" class=\"gen\">16 ao\u00fbt<\/a>. On y trouve des d\u00e9tails et des remarques, qui concernent la crise g\u00e9orgienne elle-m\u00eame, qui ne sont pas inint\u00e9ressants.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t\u00ab<em>After visiting Georgia earlier that day<\/em> [11 August]<em>, M. Kouchner insisted on flying to the northern, officially Russian, half of Ossetia to show concern for the suffering of both sides. They are all poor sods, he said. Against the advice of senior French diplomats  but with the approval of the Elys\u00e9e Palace  he visited victims of Georgian agression in one of the nine camps for South Ossetian refugees set up by Moscow.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t\u00bb<em>Kouchner&rsquo;s visit was to receive enormous play on all Russian TV stations that night, just as the French diplomats had feared that it would. A local religious leader came forward  purely by accident?  to address the French Foreign Minister. Russia was quite right to have sent in its troops, the man of religion said. A great country like Russia had a moral right of intervention to save the South Ossetians from Georgian oppression and violence.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t\u00bb<em>M. Kouchner replied, rather uncomfortably, that the concept of a moral right of intervention was a French idea. In truth, it is a Kouchner idea.<\/em> <\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t()<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t\u00bb<em>The Kouchner doctrine  that morality cannot stop at borders; that politics, and not just medicine, should be sans fronti\u00e8res when confronted with extreme wickedness  used to be a minority position. It has now become widely accepted but also widely hijacked: by George Bush and Tony Blair in Iraq (a war that Kouchner defended) and, most recently, by Russians in Georgia.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t\u00bb<em>M. Kouchner was recently reported in Le Monde to have become depressed by his role at the Quai d&rsquo;Orsay. Much of the real foreign policy of France in the past 15 months has been conducted by President Sarkozy and his advisers at the Elys\u00e9e Palace, sometimes in direct confrontation with M. Kouchner&rsquo;s own values-led approach. His attempts to put Kouchnerism into official practice  his suggestions that humanitarian aid should be imposed on Sudan or Burma  came to nothing.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t\u00bb<em>The Georgian conflict has re-energised him, his friends say. M. Kouchner believes that the European Union  presided over by France until the year&rsquo;s end  has been given another chance to prove its importance by defending its values in its own backyard. In the early 1990s, Kouchner was in favour of international military intervention against the Serbs but failed to budge the pro-Serb President Fran\u00e7ois Mitterrand. This time around, Bernard Kouchner finds himself in the unfamiliar  and perhaps unsuitable  role of mediator and negotiator, rather than moralist, activist or campaigner.<\/em>\u00bb<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\tOn ajoutera \u00e9galement une remarque d&rsquo;un autre journal britannique, le <em>Guardian<\/em>, dans une bonne analyse g\u00e9n\u00e9rale de la crise en date du <a href=\"http:\/\/www.guardian.co.uk\/world\/2008\/aug\/16\/georgia.russia1\" class=\"gen\">16 ao\u00fbt<\/a>:<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t\u00ab<em>Don&rsquo;t ask us who&rsquo;s good and who&rsquo;s bad here, said Bernard Kouchner, the French foreign minister, after shuttling between Tbilisi and Moscow to try to halt the violence. We shouldn&rsquo;t make any moral judgments on this war. Stopping the war, that&rsquo;s what we&rsquo;re interested in.<\/em>\u00bb<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\tCes consid\u00e9rations sont int\u00e9ressantes. D&rsquo;abord, elles viennent de deux journaux \u00e9trangers mais connaisseurs des affaires fran\u00e7aises, notamment <em>The Independent<\/em> qui s&rsquo;attache principalement au cas du ministre Bernard K. Elles ne sont pas entach\u00e9es des habituelles interventions des r\u00e9seaux parisiens, pro ou anti, comme dans le cas d&rsquo;un journal de la capitale bien aim\u00e9e. Ensuite, elles mettent parfaitement en situation une tendance, un penchant fondamental du ministre fran\u00e7ais par rapport \u00e0 la crise g\u00e9orgienne et, par cons\u00e9quence automatique du jugement qu&rsquo;on en aura, par rapport \u00e0 une situation politique fondamentale, comprenant notamment l&rsquo;appr\u00e9ciation de la politique russe et de la politique qu&rsquo;il faut avoir vis-\u00e0-vis de la Russie.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\tHors du gouvernement, Kouchner l&rsquo;atlantiste aurait sans doute fait partie de la cohortes des pro-am\u00e9ricanistes et humanitaristes parisiens qui se d\u00e9solent du traitement inflig\u00e9 \u00e0 la petite G\u00e9orgie et, par cons\u00e9quence directe, condamne la Russie sans chercher plus avant, et s&rsquo;affirmant par cons\u00e9quent et de tout cur comme alli\u00e9s objectifs de Washington. Dans le gouvernement et au cur de l&rsquo;action, et avec quel z\u00e8le comme l&rsquo;explique Lichfield, Kouchner est investi de la n\u00e9cessit\u00e9 d&rsquo;accorder ses convictions \u00e0 sa mission politique,  c&rsquo;est-\u00e0-dire la d\u00e9nonciation des malheurs qui ont lieu des deux c\u00f4t\u00e9s, cette d\u00e9nonciation s&rsquo;accordant \u00e0 une mission politique fond\u00e9e sur l&rsquo;id\u00e9e de n\u00e9gociation et de m\u00e9diation. En un sens, dans le diptyque id\u00e9ologie-humanitarisme qui caract\u00e9rise le courant droit-de-l&rsquo;hommiste dominant chez les intellectuels fran\u00e7ais, et dont Kouchner fait partie \u00e9videmment, Kouchner doit privil\u00e9gier l&rsquo;humanitarisme sur l&rsquo;id\u00e9ologie, au contraire de ses amis rest\u00e9s dans les salons; par cons\u00e9quent, il visite les camps en Oss\u00e9tie autant que ceux de G\u00e9orgie et devient une <em>star<\/em> de la TV russe. Par rapport au courant id\u00e9ologique dominant qui met tous les torts du c\u00f4t\u00e9 russe et minorise jusqu&rsquo;\u00e0 les ignorer les violences des G\u00e9orgiens en Oss\u00e9tie du Sud, il appara\u00eet comme r\u00e9tablissant un \u00e9quilibre qui revient \u00e0 ne pas condamner abruptement la Russie, donc \u00e0 se trouver dans le camp d\u00e9nonc\u00e9 par les pro-am\u00e9ricanistes. C&rsquo;est un paradoxe int\u00e9ressant de cet \u00e9trange temps historique.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><\/p>\n<p><p>\tMis en ligne le 18 ao\u00fbt 2008 \u00e0 12H39<\/p><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>L&rsquo;une des stars de la crise, y compris sous la menace de la mitraille lundi dernier \u00e0 Gori, ville natale de Staline, c&rsquo;est incontestablement le ministre fran\u00e7ais des affaires \u00e9trang\u00e8res. Citons John Lichfield, de The Independent, tra\u00e7ant un portrait d\u00e9taill\u00e9 du ministre le 16 ao\u00fbt. On y trouve des d\u00e9tails et des remarques, qui concernent&hellip;&nbsp;<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"","ping_status":"","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"neve_meta_sidebar":"","neve_meta_container":"","neve_meta_enable_content_width":"","neve_meta_content_width":0,"neve_meta_title_alignment":"","neve_meta_author_avatar":"","neve_post_elements_order":"","neve_meta_disable_header":"","neve_meta_disable_footer":"","neve_meta_disable_title":"","_jetpack_memberships_contains_paid_content":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[2],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-70117","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-bloc-notes"],"jetpack_featured_media_url":"","jetpack_sharing_enabled":true,"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/70117","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=70117"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/70117\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=70117"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=70117"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=70117"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}