D’une fa\u00e7on qui confirme le grand int\u00e9r\u00eat port\u00e9 actuellement \u00e0 FDR et \u00e0 son action durant la Grande D\u00e9pression, le site WSWS.org<\/em> r\u00e9pond (le 19 septembre<\/a>) sur un ton extr\u00eamement offensif \u00e0 une chronique du journaliste lib\u00e9ral (progressiste selon le sens US) Bob Herbert dans le New York Times<\/em> du 9 septembre<\/a>. Herbert se lamentait \u00e0 propos de cette situation o\u00f9 les lib\u00e9raux (progressistes) US ne parviennent pas \u00e0 d\u00e9velopper leurs arguments politiques et \u00e0 faire suivre la politique concern\u00e9e contre l’esprit dominant de l’ultra-conservatisme aux USA. Des \u00e9l\u00e9ments de l’histoire \u00e9conomique US, particuli\u00e8rement la grande D\u00e9pression et l’action de Franklin Delano Roosevelt (FDR), sont d\u00e9velopp\u00e9s et analys\u00e9s \u00e0 cette occasion par WSWS.org<\/em>. Cela nous permet de revenir \u00e0 notre F&C<\/em> du 18 septembre<\/a>, en donnant de nouvelles pr\u00e9cisions, et en pr\u00e9cisant encore plus nos conceptions m\u00e9thodologiques.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n \tDerri\u00e8re son attaque contrer Herbert, WSWS.org<\/em> attaque le lib\u00e9ralisme (le progressisme) US, qu’il consid\u00e8re \u00e9videmment comme un camouflage r\u00e9formiste du capitalisme am\u00e9ricaniste. Dans cette logique, sa description de l’action de Roosevelt durant la Grande D\u00e9pression est tr\u00e8s s\u00e9v\u00e8re. C’est-\u00e0-dire qu’elle donne des pr\u00e9cisions qui permettent de mieux appr\u00e9cier certains \u00e9v\u00e9nements et certaines id\u00e9es.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n \t\u00abDuring the Great Depression, the New Deal reforms enacted by Franklin Delano Roosevelt began in earnest only after 1934the so-called Second New Deal. They arose in response to a mortal crisis of US capitalism.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n \t\u00bbIn 1934, five years after the 1929 stock market crash, struggles of the working class erupted across the US, including general strikes in Minneapolis, San Francisco and Toledo, and a massive strike of textile workers up and down the East Coast. An eruption of struggles by industrial workers led to the formation of the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO). The animating spirit behind most of these class battles was hatred of capitalism and growing support for socialism. The victorious Minneapolis general strike, which paved the way for the organization of over-the-road workers, was led by Trotskyists in the Teamsters Union.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n \t\u00bbRoosevelt’s reforms, such as Social Security, were enacted to stave off revolutionary change. In this he was abetted by the trade union bureaucracies and the Stalinist leadership of the Communist Party, who opposed the struggle for the political independence of the working class advanced by Leon Trotsky.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n \t\u00bbPrior to 1934, Roosevelt largely continued the basic policy of his Republican predecessor, Herbert Hoover. As with Hoover, the first years of Roosevelt’s administration were dominated by efforts to cajole business leaders into voluntarily taking steps to reverse the downward spiral of the Great Depression, which by 1932 had wrought a social calamity of unprecedented dimensions. The banking system had ground to a virtual halt. Bartering had replaced money transactions in much of the everyday economy. A third of the workforcethen counted as working-age menwas unemployed.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n \t\u00bbIn the context of the deepening of this economic breakdown and a rising threat from the working class, Roosevelt acted quite consciously to save US capitalism from itself, facing, in the process, bitter opposition from less far-sighted elements of his own social class. In the aftermath of the class battles of 1934, major sections of the American capitalist class were won over to what was, after all, a limited reform agenda. Social Security, for example, which provided a system of care for retired workers that had never before existed, nevertheless involved a regressive payroll tax on the working class.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n \t\u00bbThere is one more critical element. In spite of the calamity of the Great Depression, US capitalism had far more resources at its disposal, and far less indebtedness, than its modern-day descendant. US productive capacity, even if mostly idled, was then the envy of the world.<\/em>\u00bb<\/p>\n<\/p>\n \tCes pr\u00e9cisions nous permettent de constater combien l’action de FDR fut encore plus contrast\u00e9e qu’on a l’habitude de l’appr\u00e9cier. Que FDR ait \u00e9t\u00e9 le sauveur du capitalisme malgr\u00e9 lui (malgr\u00e9 le capitalisme) nous para\u00eet une \u00e9vidence \u00e0 la fois \u00e9conomique et id\u00e9ologique. FDR ne s’est jamais prononc\u00e9 explicitement contre le capitalisme, tout comme il est toujours rest\u00e9 un strict soutien et un ardent partisan de l’am\u00e9ricanisme, allant m\u00eame jusqu’\u00e0 lui donner une vigueur nouvelle. (Les accusations de socialisme, voire de pro-communisme, lanc\u00e9es souvent contre lui n’ont aucun sens. FDR a forg\u00e9 un magnifique outil de conqu\u00eate pour les USA, qui fonctionna parfaitement \u00e0 partir de 1945. Son attitude vis-\u00e0-vis de Staline faisait la part des choses et rendait compte d’une appr\u00e9ciation r\u00e9aliste de la situation: FDR c\u00e9da \u00e0 l’URSS sur la question de l’Europe de l’Est parce que l’Arm\u00e9e Rouge \u00e9tait en place et que les Anglo-Saxons n’avaient ni la volont\u00e9, ni la puissance de l’en d\u00e9loger.)<\/p>\n<\/p>\n \tA la lumi\u00e8re de ces pr\u00e9cisions, on peut encore mieux appr\u00e9cier la diff\u00e9rence que nous faisons entre ce que nous d\u00e9signons comme la \u00abtrag\u00e9die historique qui dura de l’\u00e9t\u00e9 1931 au printemps 1933<\/em>\u00bb et \u00abl’accident \u00e9conomique qui<\/em> [commen\u00e7a en octobre 1929 et] se termina en 1939-40 ou plus tard encore<\/em>\u00bb. Ce qui nous importe essentiellement est l’activit\u00e9 de l’homme (FDR) qui, en quelques mois \u00e0 partir de mars 1933, mit effectivement un terme \u00e0 la trag\u00e9die historique qui avait conduit les USA au bord de la d\u00e9sint\u00e9gration.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n \tC’est cette trag\u00e9die historique qui nous en dit le plus sur la r\u00e9alit\u00e9 substantielle des USA, sur ses forces et, surtout, sur ses faiblesses cach\u00e9es; elle a une r\u00e9sonance massive tout au long de l’histoire des USA depuis qu’elle a eu lieu et jusqu’\u00e0 aujourd’hui, et, dans ses pr\u00e9misses, on retrouve les racines des fondements des USA. De ce point de vue, la Grande D\u00e9pression est bien plus int\u00e9ressante pour l’appr\u00e9ciation historique du ph\u00e9nom\u00e8ne de l’Am\u00e9rique que pour l’appr\u00e9ciation \u00e9conomique du ph\u00e9nom\u00e8ne capitaliste.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n <\/p>\n \tMis en ligne le 20 septembre 2008 \u00e0 17H48<\/p><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" D’une fa\u00e7on qui confirme le grand int\u00e9r\u00eat port\u00e9 actuellement \u00e0 FDR et \u00e0 son action durant la Grande D\u00e9pression, le site WSWS.org r\u00e9pond (le 19 septembre) sur un ton extr\u00eamement offensif \u00e0 une chronique du journaliste lib\u00e9ral (progressiste selon le sens US) Bob Herbert dans le New York Times du 9 septembre. Herbert se lamentait… <\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"","ping_status":"","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"neve_meta_sidebar":"","neve_meta_container":"","neve_meta_enable_content_width":"","neve_meta_content_width":0,"neve_meta_title_alignment":"","neve_meta_author_avatar":"","neve_post_elements_order":"","neve_meta_disable_header":"","neve_meta_disable_footer":"","neve_meta_disable_title":"","_jetpack_memberships_contains_paid_content":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[2],"tags":[2849,3083,3184,2891,7477,3256,3080,5169],"class_list":["post-70210","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-bloc-notes","tag-deal","tag-depression","tag-fdr","tag-grande","tag-herbert","tag-new","tag-roosevelt","tag-wsws-org"],"jetpack_featured_media_url":"","jetpack_sharing_enabled":true,"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/70210","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=70210"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/70210\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=70210"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=70210"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=70210"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}