{"id":70561,"date":"2009-02-24T16:47:38","date_gmt":"2009-02-24T16:47:38","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/2009\/02\/24\/de-american-gorbatchev-a-american-super-gorbatchev\/"},"modified":"2009-02-24T16:47:38","modified_gmt":"2009-02-24T16:47:38","slug":"de-american-gorbatchev-a-american-super-gorbatchev","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/2009\/02\/24\/de-american-gorbatchev-a-american-super-gorbatchev\/","title":{"rendered":"De \u201cAmerican<\/em> Gorbatchev\u201d \u00e0 \u201cAmerican<\/em> super-Gorbatchev\u201d"},"content":{"rendered":"

Enfourchant une fois de plus notre cheval de bataille, nous proposons \u00e0 nouveau l’id\u00e9e que les \u00e9v\u00e9nements financiers et \u00e9conomiques, s’ils sont \u00e9videmment importants, ne sont pas l’essentiel; ils ne sont que les sympt\u00f4mes du mal. Robert Reich a raison de mettre en avant le r\u00f4le de la confiance, ou de l’absence de confiance, dans le processus actuel (le 20 f\u00e9vrier<\/a>, sur son site, m\u00eame si l’on peut discuter la classification de Mini Depression<\/em> qu’il donne \u00e0 l’\u00e9v\u00e9nement g\u00e9n\u00e9ral):<\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\t\u00abWhen the history of the Mini Depression of 2008-2010 is written by future historians, the word distrust will appear again and again.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\t\u00bbFinancial stocks are in free fall because no one trusts financials any longer<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\t[]<\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\t\u00bbIn this world of economic distrust, it’s vitally important that President Obama and his administration maintain credibility on the economy. Raising false expectations would do far more harm than good. In remarks aired this morning on ABC’s Good Morning America,’ former president Bill Clinton said he wanted the American people to know that Obama is confident that we are gonna get out of this and he feels good about the long run. … I just would like him to end by saying that he is hopeful and completely convinced we’re gonna come through this. Clinton’s suggestion is understandable but misguided. Happy talk at this point in time is so incongruous with what most Americans (and others around the world) know and are experiencing that it could undermine Obama’s credibility.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\t\u00bbThe truth is that no one has any idea how long this crisis will last or exactly how to reverse it. Anyone who says differently cannot be trusted. And because restoring trust is so central to mending the economy, our leaders must be extremely careful not to indulge right now in the audacity of hope.<\/em>\u00bb<\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\tParmi les tr\u00e8s nombreuses r\u00e9actions des lecteurs de cette analyse de Robert Reich, et en g\u00e9n\u00e9ral des r\u00e9actions int\u00e9ressantes, nous en citons deux qui nous paraissent significatives parce qu’elles illustrent deux tendances de plus en plus affirm\u00e9es. Elles \u00e9largissent le probl\u00e8me \u00e0 des p\u00e9riodes \u00e9v\u00e9nementielles hors du cadre de cette crise (dans le cas cit\u00e9, \u00e0 la p\u00e9riode GW Bush), et elles tendent effectivement \u00e0 hausser et \u00e0 \u00e9largir la substance de la crise vers le domaine politique. Ces observations renvoient, en les prolongeant et en les pr\u00e9cisant, aux observations de Reich lui-m\u00eame, dont le propos est bien de conseiller une dramatisation de la crise en \u00e9cartant toute sp\u00e9culation d’am\u00e9lioration, par cons\u00e9quent, in fine<\/em>, de lui donner des dimensions universelles pour l’identifier plus pr\u00e9cis\u00e9ment, et esp\u00e9rer la contr\u00f4ler. Il s’agit bien d’une d\u00e9marche qui tend \u00e0 passer de la seule crise financi\u00e8re et \u00e9conomique, m\u00eame syst\u00e9mique, m\u00eame globale, etc., vers une conception plus large qui implique au terme de la logique le constat d’une crise de civilisation.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\tD’un premier lecteur dit Anonymous<\/em>‘:<\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\t\u00abYou are 100% correct, Dr. Reich. The last thing we need now is for our President to sugar coat things or otherwise lie through his teeth about the severity of the problems we face. Obama always tempers his reality-based observations about the economy by telling Americans that we will get through this. That is enough. We know that we’ve been through worse and that, someday, we will come out the other end of this. Those who are unhappy with the way he talks about the economy are probably having a hard time facing the reality of the situation, themselves. It frankly troubles me that \u00ab\u00a0they\u00a0\u00bb believe that denial is optimal. If President Obama took the advice of Clinton and others, I tell ya, he wouldn’t just lose credibility in my eyes, he would completely devastate me.<\/em> <\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\t\u00bbIt may sound odd, but I think that one thing that could give us all a boost of trust would be for the Justice Department and Congress to immediately begin Bush-era investigations. The past 8 years have been so psychically damaging to the country that I believe it would help us to see that our government does believe in the rule of law, and does stand for truth and justice. Everywhere we look, we see fraud, corruption, and no accountability. We need to know that our Congress and administration takes this seriously and doesn’t expect us to collectively normalize such criminality. Expecting us to go along with it is nothing short of a hope and trust killer.<\/em>\u00bb<\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\t D’un second lecteur dit \u00e9galement Anonymous<\/em>‘. (Le m\u00eame? Heaven only knows<\/em>):<\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\t\u00abThe financial distrust is a coda to the social distrust that has seen American workers working more than ever for the same or less – for decades, while financiers soar and dominate. Until THAT problem is addressed, consumption will shrink. There is a political problem under this financial mess.<\/em> <\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\t\u00bbAnd in terms of that political problem, globalization and free trade is one of the prime culprits. So I don’t see that these will continue as before. They need to die to be reborn in a different, more equitable and environmental, form.<\/em>\u00bb<\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\tDans ces diverses d\u00e9marches, qui, toutes s’adressent d’une fa\u00e7on ou l’autre au pr\u00e9sident Obama, on sent bien s’exercer sur lui une pression grandissante dont le r\u00e9sultat pourrait \u00eatre, s’il y r\u00e9agissait, qu’il fasse effectivement sortir la crise du cadre o\u00f9 elle se trouve encore aujourd’hui, et o\u00f9 lui-m\u00eame la tient enferm\u00e9e, soit en renfor\u00e7ant le climat de dramatisation, soit en envisageant des actions plus concr\u00e8tes hors du cadre \u00e9conomique. On a d\u00e9j\u00e0 vu cette sorte d’exhortation chez un Martin Wolf<\/a>, il y a une dizaine de jours. Ces diverses interventions ne font que traduire la force des \u00e9v\u00e9nements en cours.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\tCette pression sur Obama n’a aucune raison de s’apaiser, puisque ses causes principales vont se poursuivre et s’amplifier. Elle implique de plus en plus nettement une sorte d’appel \u00e0 la s\u00e9dition indirect, implicite, involontaire, etc., lanc\u00e9 au pr\u00e9sident, s\u00e9dition \u00e0 la fois contre le syst\u00e8me mais, plus encore, s\u00e9dition comme seule voie de cr\u00e9er une catharsis pouvant \u00e9ventuellement faire exploser le cadre de la crise et permettant une attaque contre la crise en r\u00e9tablissant une coh\u00e9sion psychologique (la confiance). Cette \u00e9volution, qui se comprend, ce jugement de la n\u00e9cessit\u00e9 de la dramatisation de la crise, qui se justifie, portent en eux leurs propres contradictions quant aux r\u00e9sultats. Elles peuvent effectivement conduire \u00e0 une sorte d’explosion lib\u00e9ratrices (catharsis), mais lib\u00e9ratrice de quoi? Comment ne pas concevoir que cette lib\u00e9ration explosive attaque \u00e9videmment le syst\u00e8me lui-m\u00eame, et devenant ainsi explosivement d\u00e9structurante? C’est l’hypoth\u00e8se<\/a> American<\/em> Gorbatchev, mais envisag\u00e9e alors que le syst\u00e8me de l’am\u00e9ricanisme est en phase terminale (voir Soros<\/a>, comparant la situation actuelle du syst\u00e8me \u00e0 la phase de l’effondrement de l’URSS), comme si Gorbatchev \u00e9tait intervenu en URSS apr\u00e8s deux-trois ans de gorbatch\u00e9visme. (Dans ce cas et poursuivant l’analogie, c’est Bush qui aurait le premier d\u00e9clench\u00e9 cette vague de grobatch\u00e9visme aux USA en nourrissant, par d’autres voies que Gorbatchev, la d\u00e9stabilisation qui s’est effectu\u00e9e depuis le 15 septembre 2008.) Tout se passe comme si nous \u00e9tions en train de constater un passage d’une phase de d\u00e9stabilisation (qui est la v\u00e9ritable phase du gorbatch\u00e9visme, de 1985 \u00e0 1988) \u00e0 la phase de d\u00e9structuration (1989-1991), mais tout cela \u00e0 une vitesse extraordinaire, qui se compterait en trimestres ou en mois plus qu’en ann\u00e9es. Plus la situation va devenir pressante pour une action extra-ordinaire d’Obama, plus les conditions vont devenir id\u00e9ales pour que cette action devienne directement le moteur d’une acc\u00e9l\u00e9ration de la d\u00e9structuration du syst\u00e8me; Obama risquerait moins, en cas d’action extra-ordinaire, de devenir un American<\/em> Gorbatchev qu’un American<\/em> super-Gorbatchev, agissant dans un sens gorbatch\u00e9vien en phase terminale<\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\tQui s’en \u00e9tonnerait? Ils sont toujours les super de quelque chose.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n

<\/p>\n

\tMis en ligne le 24 f\u00e9vrier 2009 \u00e0 16H47<\/p><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Enfourchant une fois de plus notre cheval de bataille, nous proposons \u00e0 nouveau l’id\u00e9e que les \u00e9v\u00e9nements financiers et \u00e9conomiques, s’ils sont \u00e9videmment importants, ne sont pas l’essentiel; ils ne sont que les sympt\u00f4mes du mal. Robert Reich a raison de mettre en avant le r\u00f4le de la confiance, ou de l’absence de confiance, dans… <\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"","ping_status":"","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"neve_meta_sidebar":"","neve_meta_container":"","neve_meta_enable_content_width":"","neve_meta_content_width":0,"neve_meta_title_alignment":"","neve_meta_author_avatar":"","neve_post_elements_order":"","neve_meta_disable_header":"","neve_meta_disable_footer":"","neve_meta_disable_title":"","_jetpack_memberships_contains_paid_content":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[2],"tags":[4479,3907,3483,6208,3182,3487],"class_list":["post-70561","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-bloc-notes","tag-destabilisation","tag-destructuration","tag-gorbatchev","tag-obama","tag-reich","tag-super"],"jetpack_featured_media_url":"","jetpack_sharing_enabled":true,"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/70561","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=70561"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/70561\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=70561"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=70561"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=70561"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}