\tEntre Y\u00e9men, \u00e9ni\u00e8me tentation de l’Occident pour une nouvelle entreprise de stabilisation, surge militaire en Afghanistan, pacification en Irak, op\u00e9ration pr\u00e9ventive possible contre les armes de destructions massives iraniennes et beaucoup d’autres affaires douloureuses o\u00f9 nos pays sont incapables de mesurer le niveau de d\u00e9sordre qu’ils ajoutent \u00e0 chacune de leurs interventions, il est toujours n\u00e9cessaire de rappeler ponctuellement le monde r\u00e9el, tel qu’il \u00e9tait lors de nos interventions les plus humanitaires et les plus structurantes (ou pr\u00e9tendues telles).<\/p>\n<\/p>\n
\tVous rappelez-vous l’ex-Yougoslavie ? Milosevic ? La haine qu’il a d\u00e9cha\u00een\u00e9e et la guerre dont il s’est rendu coupable ? Aucun g\u00e9nocide n’est possible sans une fixation de la population sur le groupe ethnique vis\u00e9. Cette fixation doit \u00eatre pr\u00e9par\u00e9e, r\u00e9p\u00e9t\u00e9e, entretenue, au moyen principalement d’un discours constamment repris, c\u00e9l\u00e9br\u00e9 lors de grandes dates anniversaires. On nous sans cesse affirm\u00e9 que c’est cela qui avait eu lieu en ex-YU ; que Milosevic et son r\u00e9gime avait soigneusement endoctrin\u00e9 la population serbe pour qu’elle ha\u00efsse les non-Serbes et que le point Omega de cet endoctrinement fut le fameux discours de Kosovo Field de 1989, pierre angulaire d’une doctrine d’extermination invariablement mentionn\u00e9e comme le point de d\u00e9part et l’aboutissement de massacres indescriptibles. Kosovo Field : le nom est cens\u00e9 annoncer l’horreur et signer la plus d\u00e9sastreuse des politiques racistes europ\u00e9ennes de l’apr\u00e8s 1945.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n
\tLe probl\u00e8me est que personne en Europe ou aux Etats-Unis ne semble avoir \u00e9cout\u00e9 ou lu ce fameux discours du 28 juin 1989. Cela vaut la peine car il existe une traduction au moins en anglais de ce discours : elle fut faite par le National Technical Information Service of the US Department of Commerce et diffus\u00e9e plus largement par Greg Elich, un universitaire am\u00e9ricain stup\u00e9fait de ce qu’il y avait lu.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n
\tVoil\u00e0 cette traduction. Lisez-la dans son enti\u00e8ret\u00e9. Demandez-vous si vous voyez la haine de l’autre dans ses lignes, si vous sentez Hitler, l’extermination ou le g\u00e9nocide annonc\u00e9.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n
\tPlus bas, (en fran\u00e7ais !) nous vous donnerons quelques autres informations (oubli\u00e9es) sur l’origine du conflit yougoslave et l’une des occasions manqu\u00e9es les plus d\u00e9rangeantes d’emp\u00eacher le conflit : le projet de cantonisation sign\u00e9 par tous les protagonistes yougoslaves d\u00e9but 1992. A peine l’avaient-ils sign\u00e9 que les responsables musulmans se retir\u00e8rent de sa n\u00e9gociation, pouss\u00e9s par l’administration Clinton qui leur reprochait de ne pas d\u00e9fendre plus efficacement leurs projets politiques<\/p>\n
\tSpeech by Slobodan Milosevic, delivered to an estimated 1 million people at the central celebration marking the 600th anniversary of the Battle of Kosovo, held at Gazimestan on 28 June, 1989.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n
\t\u00ab By the force of social circums\u00e7mtances this great 600th anniversary of the Battle of Kosovo is taking place in a year in which Serbia, after many years, after many decades, has regained its state, national, and spiritual integrity. Therefore, it is not difficult for us to answer today the old question: how are we going to face Milos [Milos Obilic, legendary hero of the Battle of Kosovo]. Through the play of history and life, it seems as if Serbia has, precisely in this year, in 1989, regained its state and its dignity and thus has celebrated an event of the distant past which has a great historical and symbolic significance for its future.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n
\t\u00bb Serbian Character — Liberational<\/p>\n<\/p>\n
\t\u00bb Today, it is difficult to say what is the historical truth about the Battle of Kosovo and what is legend. Today this is no longer important. Oppressed by pain and filled with hope, the people used to remember and to forget, as, after all, all people in the world do, and it was ashamed of treachery and glorified heroism. Therefore it is difficult to say today whether the Battle of Kosovo was a defeat or a victory for the Serbian people, whether thanks to it we fell into slavery or we survived in this slavery. The answers to those questions will be constantly sought by science and the people. What has been certain through all the centuries until our time today is that disharmony struck Kosovo 600 years ago. If we lost the battle, then this was not only the result of social superiority and the armed advantage of the Ottoman Empire but also of the tragic disunity in the leadership of the Serbian state at that time. In that distant 1389, the Ottoman Empire was not only stronger than that of the Serbs but it was also more fortunate than the Serbian kingdom.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n
\t\u00bb The lack of unity and betrayal in Kosovo will continue to follow the Serbian people like an evil fate through the whole of its history. Even in the last war, this lack of unity and betrayal led the Serbian people and Serbia into agony, the consequences of which in the historical and moral sense exceeded fascist aggression.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n
\t\u00bb Even later, when a socialist Yugoslavia was set up, in this new state the Serbian leadership remained divided, prone to compromise to the detriment of its own people. The concessions that many Serbian leaders made at the expense of their people could not be accepted historically and ethically by any nation in the world, especially because the Serbs have never in the whole of their history conquered and exploited others. Their national and historical being has been liberational throughout the whole of history and through two world wars, as it is today. They liberated themselves and when they could they also helped others to liberate themselves. The fact that in this region they are a major nation is not a Serbian sin or shame; this is an advantage which they have not used against others, but I must say that here, in this big, legendary field of Kosovo, the Serbs have not used the advantage of being great for their own benefit either.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n
\t\u00bb Thanks to their leaders and politicians and their vassal mentality they felt guilty before themselves and others. This situation lasted for decades, it lasted for years and here we are now at the field of Kosovo to say that this is no longer the case.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n
\t\u00bb Unity Will Make Prosperity Possible<\/p>\n<\/p>\n
\t\u00bb Disunity among Serb officials made Serbia lag behind and their inferiority humiliated Serbia. Therefore, no place in Serbia is better suited for saying this than the field of Kosovo and no place in Serbia is better suited than the field of Kosovo for saying that unity in Serbia will bring prosperity to the Serbian people in Serbia and each one of its citizens, irrespective of his national or religious affiliation.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n
\t\u00bb Serbia of today is united and equal to other republics and prepared to do everything to improve its financial and social position and that of all its citizens. If there is unity, cooperation, and seriousness, it will succeed in doing so. This is why the optimism that is now present in Serbia to a considerable extent regarding the future days is realistic, also because it is based on freedom, which makes it possible for all people to express their positive, creative and humane abilities aimed at furthering social and personal life.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n
\t\u00bb Serbia has never had only Serbs living in it. Today, more than in the past, members of other peoples and nationalities also live in it. This is not a disadvantage for Serbia. I am truly convinced that it is its advantage. National composition of almost all countries in the world today, particularly developed ones, has also been changing in this direction. Citizens of different nationalities, religions, and races have been living together more and more frequently and more and more successfully.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n
\t\u00bb Socialism in particular, being a progressive and just democratic society, should not allow people to be divided in the national and religious respect. The only differences one can and should allow in socialism are between hard working people and idlers and between honest people and dishonest people. Therefore, all people in Serbia who live from their own work, honestly, respecting other people and other nations, are in their own republic.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n
\t\u00bb Dramatic National Divisions<\/p>\n<\/p>\n
\t\u00bb After all, our entire country should be set up on the basis of such principles. Yugoslavia is a multinational community and it can survive only under the conditions of full equality for all nations that live in it.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n
\t\u00bb The crisis that hit Yugoslavia has brought about national divisions, but also social, cultural, religious and many other less important ones. Among all these divisions, nationalist ones have shown themselves to be the most dramatic. Resolving them will make it easier to remove other divisions and mitigate the consequences they have created.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n
\t\u00bb For as long as multinational communities have existed, their weak point has always been the relations between different nations. The threat is that the question of one nation being endangered by the others can be posed one day — and this can then start a wave of suspicions, accusations, and intolerance, a wave that invariably grows and is difficult to stop. This threat has been hanging like a sword over our heads all the time. Internal and external enemies of multi-national communities are aware of this and therefore they organize their activity against multinational societies mostly by fomenting national conflicts. At this moment, we in Yugoslavia are behaving as if we have never had such an experience and as if in our recent and distant past we have never experienced the worst tragedy of national conflicts that a society can experience and still survive.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n
\t\u00bb Equal and harmonious relations among Yugoslav peoples are a necessary condition for the existence of Yugoslavia and for it to find its way out of the crisis and, in particular, they are a necessary condition for its economic and social prosperity. In this respect Yugoslavia does not stand out from the social milieu of the contemporary, particularly the developed, world. This world is more and more marked by national tolerance, national cooperation, and even national equality. The modern economic and technological, as well as political and cultural development, has guided various peoples toward each other, has made them interdependent and increasingly has made them equal as well [medjusobno ravnopravni]. Equal and united people can above all become a part of the civilization toward which mankind is moving. If we cannot be at the head of the column leading to such a civilization, there is certainly no need for us to be at is tail.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n
\t\u00bb At the time when this famous historical battle was fought in Kosovo, the people were looking at the stars, expecting aid from them. Now, 6 centuries later, they are looking at the stars again, waiting to conquer them. On the first occasion, they could allow themselves to be disunited and to have hatred and treason because they lived in smaller, weakly interlinked worlds. Now, as people on this planet, they cannot conquer even their own planet if they are not united, let alone other planets, unless they live in mutual harmony and solidarity.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n
\t\u00bb Therefore, words devoted to unity, solidarity, and cooperation among people have no greater significance anywhere on the soil of our motherland than they have here in the field of Kosovo, which is a symbol of disunity and treason.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n
\t\u00bb In the memory of the Serbian people, this disunity was decisive in causing the loss of the battle and in bringing about the fate which Serbia suffered for a full 6 centuries.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n
\t\u00bb Even if it were not so, from a historical point of view, it remains certain that the people regarded disunity as its greatest disaster. Therefore it is the obligation of the people to remove disunity, so that they may protect themselves from defeats, failures, and stagnation in the future.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n
\t\u00bb Unity brings Back Dignity<\/p>\n<\/p>\n
\t\u00bb This year, the Serbian people became aware of the necessity of their mutual harmony as the indispensable condition for their present life and further development.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n
\t\u00bb I am convinced that this awareness of harmony and unity will make it possible for Serbia not only to function as a state but to function as a successful state. Therefore I think that it makes sense to say this here in Kosovo, where that disunity once upon a time tragically pushed back Serbia for centuries and endangered it, and where renewed unity may advance it and may return dignity to it. Such an awareness about mutual relations constitutes an elementary necessity for Yugoslavia, too, for its fate is in the joined hands of all its peoples. The Kosovo heroism has been inspiring our creativity for 6 centuries, and has been feeding our pride and does not allow us to forget that at one time we were an army great, brave, and proud, one of the few that remained undefeated when losing.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n
\t\u00bb Six centuries later, now, we are being again engaged in battles and are facing battles. They are not armed battles, although such things cannot be excluded yet. However, regardless of what kind of battles they are, they cannot be won without resolve, bravery, and sacrifice, without the noble qualities that were present here in the field of Kosovo in the days past. Our chief battle now concerns implementing the economic, political, cultural, and general social prosperity, finding a quicker and more successful approach to a civilization in which people will live in the 21st century. For this battle, we certainly need heroism, of course of a somewhat different kind, but that courage without which nothing serious and great can be achieved remains unchanged and remains urgently necessary.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n
\t\u00bb Six centuries ago, Serbia heroically defended itself in the field of Kosovo, but it also defended Europe. Serbia was at that time the bastion that defended the European culture, religion, and European society in general. Therefore today it appears not only unjust but even unhistorical and completely absurd to talk about Serbia’s belonging to Europe. Serbia has been a part of Europe incessantly, now just as much as it was in the past, of course, in its own way, but in a way that in the historical sense never deprived it of dignity. In this spirit we now endeavor to build a society, rich and democratic, and thus to contribute to the prosperity of this beautiful country, this unjustly suffering country, but also to contribute to the efforts of all the progressive people of our age that they make for a better and happier world.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n
\t\u00bb Let the memory of Kosovo heroism live forever!<\/p>\n<\/p>\n
\t\u00bb Long live Serbia!<\/p>\n<\/p>\n
\t\u00bb Long live Yugoslavia!<\/p>\n<\/p>\n
\t\u00bb Long live peace and brotherhood among peoples! \u00bb <\/p>\n
\tLa seconde occasion manqu\u00e9e la plus significative fut celle qu’a d\u00e9crite la grande sp\u00e9cialiste des Balkans Diana Johnstone et que reprend Jean Bricmont dans son livre Imp\u00e9rialisme humanitaire<\/em> (Editions Aden, f\u00e9vrier 2009, pp. 100-101)<\/p>\n<\/p>\n \t\u00ab Le projet de cantonisation fut sign\u00e9 le 18 mars 1992 \u00e0 Lisbonne par Izetbegovic, Karadzic et Boban au nom des trois communaut\u00e9s musulmane, serbe et croate. Chacun y renon\u00e7ait \u00e0 une partie de ses revendications pour \u00e9viter la guerre. Pour les Serbes et les Croates, la cantonisation \u00e9tait une mesure de s\u00e9curit\u00e9 et une compensation pour le fait d’accepter d’\u00eatre des minorit\u00e9s dans un Etat (ndr : la Bosnie Herzegovine) o\u00f9 les Musulmans \u00e9taient les plus nombreux. Le compromis ne satisfaisait pas monsieur Izetbegovic parce que (expliqua l’Ambassadeur am\u00e9ricain en Yougoslavie, Warren Zimmermann) la cantonisation l’aurait priv\u00e9 lui-m\u00eame et son parti musulman d’un r\u00f4le dominant dans la r\u00e9publique.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n \t\u00bb L’ambassadeur Zimmermann s’est empress\u00e9 de rendre visite \u00e0 monsieur Izetbegovic \u00e0 Sarajevo pour discuter de l’accord de Lisbonne. Il a dit qu’il ne l’aimait pas ; je lui ai dit que, s’il ne l’aimait pas pourquoi le signer ? comme l’a expliqu\u00e9 plus tard l’ambassadeur. Trop heureux d’\u00eatre pouss\u00e9 \u00e0 exiger davantage, Izetbegovic a fait volte-face en retirant son adh\u00e9sion \u00e0 l’accord de Lisbonne. \u00bb<\/p>\n<\/p>\n \tSur cette question, rappelons ce qu’en dit plus tard l’un des principaux n\u00e9gociateurs europ\u00e9ens pour la Conf\u00e9rence internationale sur l’ex-Yougoslavie, David Owen : \u00ab Contre tout espoir, et m\u00eame contre ce \u00e0 quoi je m’attendais, nous avons plus ou moins un accord, mais nous avons un probl\u00e8me. Nous ne pouvons pas rallier les Musulmans. Et cela est en grande partie de la faute des Am\u00e9ricains, parce que les Musulmans ne bougerons pas tant qu’ils pensent que Washington peut venir ou \u00eatre \u00e0 leurs c\u00f4t\u00e9s n’importe quand C’est le meilleur r\u00e8glement [du conflit] que l’on puisse avoir et ce qui est une ironie am\u00e8re, c’est de voir les gens autour de Clinton le bloquer. \u00bb<\/p>\n<\/p>\n \tNous \u00e9tions \u00e0 des si\u00e8cles du 11 septembre 2001 ! L’Am\u00e9rique, depuis d\u00e9j\u00e0 de nombreuses ann\u00e9es, engageait d’\u00e9normes ressources pour s’attirer le soutien de musulmans de diverses ob\u00e9diences, non seulement dans les Balkans, mais chez les islamistes et autres Talibans en Afghanistan et dans les r\u00e9gimes du Golfe persique, sans logique autre que celle de d\u00e9ployer son influence ou toute forme de pr\u00e9sence conforme \u00e0 sa vision du monde. Au Kosovo, la logique sera celle des bases, seule explication ex-post possible au vu des difficult\u00e9s d’aujourd’hui et de l’\u00e9normit\u00e9 du d\u00e9ploiement militaire US dans ce nouveau pays : la base de Bondsteel, plus grande base de l’US Army dans le monde en dehors du territoire am\u00e9ricain Personne ne sait pourquoi, d’ailleurs, une telle base est l\u00e0.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n \tCes fautes majeures furent en partie reconnues par de bon analystes am\u00e9ricains et par certains responsables ; par l’Ambassadeur Zimmermann m\u00eame, qui fit des d\u00e9clarations spectaculaires sur les origines de la guerre (Binder, D. (1993) US policy-makers on Bosnia admit errors in opposing partition in 1992, New York Times<\/em>.)<\/p>\n<\/p>\n \n Ulysse<\/em><\/p><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" Notre Occident et ses fautes historiques : origines du conflit yougoslave Entre Y\u00e9men, \u00e9ni\u00e8me tentation de l’Occident pour une nouvelle entreprise de stabilisation, surge militaire en Afghanistan, pacification en Irak, op\u00e9ration pr\u00e9ventive possible contre les armes de destructions massives iraniennes et beaucoup d’autres affaires douloureuses o\u00f9 nos pays sont incapables de mesurer le niveau de… <\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"","ping_status":"","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"neve_meta_sidebar":"","neve_meta_container":"","neve_meta_enable_content_width":"","neve_meta_content_width":0,"neve_meta_title_alignment":"","neve_meta_author_avatar":"","neve_post_elements_order":"","neve_meta_disable_header":"","neve_meta_disable_footer":"","neve_meta_disable_title":"","_jetpack_memberships_contains_paid_content":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[14],"tags":[9238,3193,9141,3225],"class_list":["post-71522","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-ouverture-libre","tag-bricmont","tag-milosevic","tag-ulysse","tag-yougoslavie"],"jetpack_featured_media_url":"","jetpack_sharing_enabled":true,"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/71522","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=71522"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/71522\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=71522"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=71522"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=71522"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}