D\u00e8s qu’on a envisag\u00e9 l’hypoth\u00e8se d’une Allemagne qui envisagerait d’en prendre \u00e0 son aise, pour se rapprocher de la Russie et proposer une m\u00e9diation en Libye (Le chat est fatigu\u00e9, les souris swinguent, ce m\u00eame 6 avril 2011<\/a>), des bruits viennent nous signaler que certains jugent que la souris swingue un peu trop \u00e0 son aise. Ecoutons ces bruits.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n \tLe 6 avril 2011<\/a>, Ulrich Rippert, sur le site WSWS.org<\/em>, fait une analyse \u00e9ventuellement prospective du sort du ministre allemand des affaires \u00e9trang\u00e8res Guido Westerwelle, principal responsable de l’abstention de l’Allemagne \u00e0 l’ONU et de la politique allemande vis-\u00e0-vis de la Libye, ce m\u00eame Westerwelle dont BHL a ordonn\u00e9 que Merkel le liquide s\u00e9ance tenante.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n \tUlrich Rippert rappelle qui est Guido Westerwelle, chef du FDP lib\u00e9ral jusqu’au 3 avril, adepte inconditionnel du march\u00e9 libre, repr\u00e9sentant de la classe patronale allemande, initiateur de l’actuelle politique tant d\u00e9cri\u00e9e par BHL et quelques autres. Le parti FDP de Westermelle a essuy\u00e9 une veste monumentale aux partielles du Bade-Wurtemberg, le 2 avril, ce qui a conduit Westerwelle \u00e0 d\u00e9missionner de la direction du parti et de son poste de vice-chancelier, au c\u00f4t\u00e9 de Merkel. BHL l’a-t-il emport\u00e9 ? Westerwelle reste pourtant ministre des affaires \u00e9trang\u00e8res, mais est-ce pour longtemps ? Rippert s’explique l\u00e0-dessus<\/p>\n<\/p>\n \t\u00abWesterwelle’s attempt to retain his post as foreign minister by resigning as head of the FDP could quickly backfire. Demands for him to quit his post as foreign minister are growing louder―primarily due to the German abstention on the Libya-resolution in the UN Security Council, a policy for which Westerwelle bears responsibility. Criticism of the German abstention has increase in recent days and has filled editorial comments in the media. Alongside the SPD and Greens, numerous representatives from the government camp have lined up to attack Westerwelle.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n \t\u00bbOn Monday afternoon, former Interior Minister Gerhart Baum (FDP) called upon Westerwelle to resign as foreign minister. A credible new start for the FDP is only possible without Westerwelle, he told Spiegel Online. It is difficult to explain to people that someone is resigning from party leadership because the party no longer wants him, but he continues to represent the country abroad. Westerwelle had not been convincing in his role as foreign minister and, in particular, his abstention on the UN Security Council had been a serious mistake, Baum told Spiegel Online.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n \t\u00bbInitially Westerwelle received some support for his stance. In addition to Chancellor Angela Merkel and Defence Minister Thomas de Maizi\u00e8re (both CDU) and former Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier (SPD), the conservative Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung also publicly supported his decision to abstain. The military intervention in Libya was regarded by leading German business and foreign policy circles as a unilateral French initiative and an attack on Germany’s extensive interests in the region.<\/em>\u00bb<\/p>\n<\/p>\n \tL\u00e0-dessus, Rippert encha\u00eene sur la mention d\u00e9taill\u00e9e d’une longue \u00e9tude montrant la concurrence des int\u00e9r\u00eats fran\u00e7ais et allemands dans les r\u00e9gions du Maghreb et du Moyen-Orient. Paradoxalement, c’est la d\u00e9pendance du gaz et du p\u00e9trole russe qui pousserait l’Allemagne \u00e0 tenter de s’implanter dans ces pays du Maghreb et du Moyen Orient pour trouver des sources alternatives. Elle s’y serait heurt\u00e9 \u00e0 des concurrences vari\u00e9es, dont celle de la Russie, mais aussi, et surtout, celle de la France. Cela aurait conduit l’Allemagne \u00e0 s’opposer \u00e0 la France \u00e0 propos de l’affaire libyenne, et se retrouvant \u00e0 cette occasion au c\u00f4t\u00e9 de la Russie. Ouf ! D\u00e9sordre, d\u00e9sordre Et Rippert de poursuivre, en se heurtant \u00e0 une nouvelle circonvolution contradictoire :<\/p>\n<\/p>\n \t\u00bbThis is why Westerwelle abstained in the Security Council vote on the war resolution, together with Russia and China.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n \t\u00bbAccording to an online report by China Radio International (CRI), Westerwelle went even further. During a visit to China, Westerwelle appeared before the press last Friday together with his Chinese counterpart and spoke out against a military solution to the Libya crisis. According to CRI the Chinese Foreign Minister Yang Jiechi and his German counterpart, Guido Westerwelle, spoke out on Friday for a political solution to the question of Libya. At their joint press conference in Beijing, Yang Jiechi declared that China was concerned about the civilian victims resulting from a military escalation. Westerwelle was also convinced that the Libya issue can only be resolved politically and not militarily.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n \t\u00bbIn Berlin, however, political circles quickly concluded that Westerwelle’s attempt to defy France, Great Britain and the United States in the Security Council was a major mistake. The danger of being isolated from its main Western allies and forced into an involuntary alliance with Russia weighed more powerfully for most foreign policy experts than Germany’s tactical differences with France.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n \t\u00bbThe initial criticism of Westerwelle was directed at Germany’s failure to participate in a humanitarian war. This criticism came from the ranks of the Greens and sections of the SPD and the CDU, with former Foreign Minister Joschka Fischer (Greens) accusing Westerwelle of ducking at the decisive moment.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n \t\u00bbThe issue of loyalty to the Western alliance soon assumed centre stage. Writing in Spiegel Online last week, Ralf Neukirch denounced the government’s abstention in the UN Security Council which, he declared, rendered null and void a bipartisan consensus in foreign policy. Until now, Germany had always lined up alongside America and France. It was not always easy. Sometimes, as was the case prior to the Iraq war, it was impossible. Then the Federal Republic had to choose between one of its two main partners. In no case, however, was the dominant credo that it could simultaneously oppose both. The government has now departed from this basic tenet of German policy.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n \t\u00bbSimilar comments appeared in numerous other publications. Most took the view that consent on Germany’s part in the Security Council would not automatically have meant its participation in the war. Germany should have raised its quite understandable concerns while still siding with the West, Neukirch wrote.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n \t\u00bbWhether Foreign Minister Westerwelle remains or not is in fact very much a secondary question<\/em>\u00bb<\/p>\n<\/p>\n \tL\u00e0-dessus, Rippert encha\u00eene effectivement sur le fait que le sort de Westerwelle importe assez peu, que l’Allemagne reste confront\u00e9e \u00e0 ce que certains nommeraient ses d\u00e9mons, en l’occurrence pour la p\u00e9riode pr\u00e9sente la n\u00e9cessit\u00e9 de l’acc\u00e8s aux mati\u00e8res premi\u00e8res qui la conduit \u00e0 se rapprocher de pays tels que la Russie et la Chine, et \u00e0 prendre certaines distances avec ses alli\u00e9s traditionnels. La conclusion qu’on tire de l’analyse, tr\u00e8s marxiste et tr\u00e8s \u00e9conomiste, et excellente quoi qu’il en soit de ce handicap, est une impression d\u00e9courageante d’incertitude chaotique Ainsi Westerwelle a agi comme il l’a fait parce qu’il est un adepte acharn\u00e9 du march\u00e9 libre qui est tout de m\u00eame une marque du capitalisme du bloc am\u00e9ricaniste-occidentaliste, et qu’il r\u00e9pond ainsi aux impulsions du patronat allemand dont il est fort proche ; ce faisant, se rapprochant de pays id\u00e9ologiquement d\u00e9sign\u00e9s comme des ennemis par ce m\u00eame capitalisme du bloc BAO, et aussit\u00f4t d\u00e9nonc\u00e9 dans son pays par les relais habituels du m\u00eame capitalisme du bloc BAO, dont le vert Joska Fisher est le meilleur et le plus path\u00e9tique repr\u00e9sentant ; pourtant appliquant une politique, Westerwelle, qui est destin\u00e9e n\u00e9cessairement \u00e0 lui survivre parce qu’elle repr\u00e9sente une constante allemande, revivifi\u00e9e par les circonstances, qui durerait aussi longtemps que durera l’Allemagne.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n \tTout cela est logique et fonction de grandes constantes, certes, mais cela n’emp\u00eache que le d\u00e9sarroi et le d\u00e9sordre sont plus que jamais pr\u00e9sents lorsqu’on se plonge dans l’\u00e9cheveau kafka\u00efen rapidement d\u00e9crit plus haut. Finalement, comme nombre de pays du bloc BAO, l’Allemagne est conduite \u00e0 \u00e9taler ses contradictions dans une \u00e9poque o\u00f9 les forces m\u00e9tahistoriques ont install\u00e9 effectivement le germe du d\u00e9sordre en poussant toutes les situations \u00e0 l’extr\u00eame de leurs logiques, montrant ainsi toutes les contradictions qui s’y attachent, engendrant par cons\u00e9quent, \u00e9videmment, confusion et d\u00e9sordre. Westerwelle est peut-\u00eatre en sursis, selon les vux de BHL, mais ses adversaires ne sont pas plus \u00e0 l’aise que lui, et le colonel Kadhafi, le fou de Libye, continue \u00e0 tenir bon, ainsi posant \u00e0 tous un probl\u00e8me bien d\u00e9licat ; ainsi justifiant qu’ici et l\u00e0 surgissent des initiatives de m\u00e9diation pour la paix en Libye, avec l’Allemagne tent\u00e9e de s’inscrire<\/a> dans l’une ou l’autre, contre ses alliances traditionnelles et \u00e0 la col\u00e8re furieuse des milieux atlantistes du pays, mais selon les lignes d’une proximit\u00e9 avec la Russie qui est extr\u00eamement pr\u00e9cieuse parce que ce pays tient l’alimentation en \u00e9nergie de l’Allemagne<\/p>\n<\/p>\n \tCertes, la souris swingue un peu trop \u00e0 son aise, mais peut-elle \u00e9chapper \u00e0 la tentation de le faire ? La confusion et le d\u00e9sordre rendent bien difficile de s’en tenir aux traditions de servilit\u00e9 et d’alignement \u00e9tablies tout au long de la deuxi\u00e8me partie du XX\u00e8me si\u00e8cle.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n <\/p>\n \tMis en ligne le 6 avril 2011 \u00e0 15H41<\/p><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" D\u00e8s qu’on a envisag\u00e9 l’hypoth\u00e8se d’une Allemagne qui envisagerait d’en prendre \u00e0 son aise, pour se rapprocher de la Russie et proposer une m\u00e9diation en Libye (Le chat est fatigu\u00e9, les souris swinguent, ce m\u00eame 6 avril 2011), des bruits viennent nous signaler que certains jugent que la souris swingue un peu trop \u00e0 son… <\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"","ping_status":"","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"neve_meta_sidebar":"","neve_meta_container":"","neve_meta_enable_content_width":"","neve_meta_content_width":0,"neve_meta_title_alignment":"","neve_meta_author_avatar":"","neve_post_elements_order":"","neve_meta_disable_header":"","neve_meta_disable_footer":"","neve_meta_disable_title":"","footnotes":""},"categories":[2],"tags":[2748,3711,4398,2687,4967,6902,11003,4633,3600,2730,11001],"class_list":["post-72905","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-bloc-notes","tag-allemagne","tag-atlantiste","tag-fisher","tag-france","tag-gaz","tag-libye","tag-maghreb","tag-merkel","tag-petrole","tag-russie","tag-westerwelle"],"jetpack_featured_media_url":"","_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/72905","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=72905"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/72905\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=72905"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=72905"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=72905"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}