{"id":72954,"date":"2011-04-26T16:54:36","date_gmt":"2011-04-26T16:54:36","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/2011\/04\/26\/les-paradoxes-de-la-puissance-nouvelle-de-larabie\/"},"modified":"2011-04-26T16:54:36","modified_gmt":"2011-04-26T16:54:36","slug":"les-paradoxes-de-la-puissance-nouvelle-de-larabie","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/2011\/04\/26\/les-paradoxes-de-la-puissance-nouvelle-de-larabie\/","title":{"rendered":"Les paradoxes de la puissance nouvelle de l&rsquo;Arabie"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><p>Les \u00e9v\u00e9nements les plus importants ne se d\u00e9roulent pas n\u00e9cessairement l\u00e0 o\u00f9 les \u00e9v\u00e9nements se d\u00e9roulent. Le printemps arabe, version \u00e9gyptienne, est plus important aujourd&rsquo;hui que le rideau est tomb\u00e9 sur Moubarak et que certains craindraient de voir r\u00e9cup\u00e9r\u00e9e cette victoire d\u00e9mocratique, que lors de la charge furieuse qui eut raison de lui. Les \u00e9v\u00e9nements de Libye sont cruels mais d&rsquo;une importance r\u00e9gionale ; ils ne sont importants qu&rsquo;indirectement, parce qu&rsquo;ils nous exposent l&rsquo;\u00e9tat r\u00e9el des situations et des relations \u00e0 l&rsquo;int\u00e9rieur du bloc am\u00e9ricaniste-occidentaliste (BAO), et les font \u00e9voluer dans la contrainte. Les \u00e9v\u00e9nements de Syrie prennent de l&rsquo;extension, eux aussi marqu\u00e9s par des affrontements extr\u00eamement vifs, mais ils repr\u00e9sentent une tension et un potentiel de d\u00e9sordre sur lesquels tout le monde s&rsquo;accorde pour l&rsquo;instant pour tenter de les contenir le plus possible.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\tBien plus importante que tout, en v\u00e9rit\u00e9, voici la position de l&rsquo;Arabie Saoudite. Contrairement \u00e0 la <em>narrative<\/em> inusable de la permanence indestructible de l&rsquo;h\u00e9g\u00e9monie US sur le monde, l&rsquo;Arabie n&rsquo;est pas une marionnette des USA ; ou bien, si l&rsquo;on veut, elle n&rsquo;est <strong>plus du tout<\/strong> ce qu&rsquo;elle sembla \u00eatre parfois,  une marionnette des USA,  ce qui serait faire beaucoup d&rsquo;honneur aux USA Aujourd&rsquo;hui, ce serait plut\u00f4t le contraire.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t Lisons l&rsquo;avis\u00e9 Jim Lobe, le <a href=\"http:\/\/ipsnews.net\/news.asp?idnews=55365\" class=\"gen\">23 avril 2011<\/a>, sur IPS.<em>News<\/em>. Lobe d\u00e9crit une situation o\u00f9 l&rsquo;Arabie conduit la politique qui lui pla\u00eet, tenant fort peu compte des avis US. En fait, Lobe montre les USA comme oblig\u00e9s de suivre la trajectoire saoudienne bien plus que le contraire. L&rsquo;explication de Jim Lobe, du point de vue des facteurs objectifs du c\u00f4t\u00e9 US :<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t\u00ab<em>The deference shown to the Saudi kingdom, the clear leader of the region&rsquo;s counter-revolutionary wave, is explained by a number of factors, not least of which is its role as the world&rsquo;s swing oil producer at a time when the price of petrol at the pump here has hit the four-dollar-a-gallon level.  Political analysts here warn that Obama&rsquo;s chances of re-election  which are currently considered pretty favourable  could be reduced in politically significant ways unless the price comes down by this time next year. My poll numbers go up and down depending on the latest crisis, and right now gas prices are weighing heavily on people, Obama himself noted at a fund-raising event in California earlier this week.<\/em> <\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t\u00bb<em>In addition to its great influence over oil prices, Saudi Arabia  and the UAE, for that matter  buys tens of billions of dollars in advanced U.S. weapons systems whose manufacturers are worried about the implications of a declining defence budget at home, and the risks of strained ties between Washington and their big clients overseas, for their bottom lines.<\/em> [] <\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t\u00bb<em>Finally, Saudi Arabia, eagerly backed by the UAE, Bahrain, Kuwait and Jordan, has emerged as the principal regional rival of Iran in what Riyadh and its allies are increasingly depicting as an existential conflict between the Mideast&rsquo;s Sunni and Shia communities. Their eagerness to charge Tehran with foreign interference in the Arab world&rsquo;s internal affairs is music to the ears of the powerful Israel Lobby whose patient cultivation of the idea of a strategic consensus uniting Israel with the Sunni-led states against Iran finally appears to be bearing fruit over their shared anxieties about the possibly dire consequences of the region&rsquo;s democratisation.<\/em> <\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t\u00bb<em>Thus, Congressional reluctance to provide substantial aid or even debt relief to the wounded and sinking Egyptian economy at such a critical moment in that country&rsquo;s political evolution is due as much to the desire for assurances that its future government will remain faithful to the Camp David Accords and co-operate with Israel on Gaza as it is to the budget-cutting mania that has seized Washington. Cairo&rsquo;s decision last week to begin normalising ties with Tehran will bolster those who believe that a democratic Egypt may not be such a good investment.<\/em>\u00bb<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t La situation de ce point de vue des relations entre l&rsquo;Arabie et les USA est r\u00e9sum\u00e9e par cette observation du colonel \u00e0 la retraite Pat Lang, ancien analyste sp\u00e9cialis\u00e9 dans les affaires du Moyen-Orient, \u00e0 la Defense Information Agency (DIA) : \u00ab<em>Most Americans, to the extent that they think of it, do not understand how little leverage the U.S. has with the Saudis. They have decided to change the basic nature of their relationship to the U.S., taking from now on a much more independent course and encouraging resistance to revolutionary groups throughout the region.<\/em>\u00bb (Voir son site <em>Sic Semper Tyrannis<\/em>, au <a href=\"http:\/\/turcopolier.typepad.com\/sic_semper_tyrannis\/2011\/04\/survey-of-the-mena-region-22-april-2011.html\" class=\"gen\">22 avril 2011<\/a>.)<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\tPour autant, cette position de force de l&rsquo;Arabie n&rsquo;est pas n\u00e9cessairement appr\u00e9ci\u00e9e comme avantageuse, dans tous les cas au niveau de la politique qu&rsquo;elle permet de d\u00e9velopper. Ce serait plut\u00f4t le contraire, et diverses observations notent ou analysent des tendances jug\u00e9es d\u00e9favorables, produites par cette politique saoudienne.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t Elliott Abrams, grand sp\u00e9cialiste du Moyen-Orient et ancien du NSC de George Bush, actuellement au Council of Foreign Relations, analyse la politique de r\u00e9pression maximale du Bahre\u00efn (le <a href=\"http:\/\/blogs.cfr.org\/abrams\/2011\/04\/22\/bahrain-heads-for-disaster\/\" class=\"gen\">22 avril 2011<\/a>, sur le site du CFR). Il l&rsquo;attribue sans aucune h\u00e9sitation aux pressions de l&rsquo;Arabie, \u00e0 laquelle Bahre\u00efn semble tenu pieds et poings li\u00e9s. Abrams juge insens\u00e9e cette politique maximaliste et il pr\u00e9voit une issue catastrophique pour Bahre\u00efn et, partant, dans ses cons\u00e9quences, pour l&rsquo;Arabie elle-m\u00eame. Ce jugement mesure le peu d&rsquo;estime dans lequel Abrams tient la politique saoudienne en g\u00e9n\u00e9ral.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t\u00ab<em>Why has the King taken this disastrous path?  Clearly he has been urged and pressured to do so by his Sunni neighbors in the UAE and especially Saudi Arabia. The contempt for Shia and Shiism in Saudi Arabia is undoubtedly a key factor here, and the Saudis were concerned that an uprising by Bahraini Shia could spread across to the Shia in their own oil-rich Eastern Province.  But the actions being taken in Bahrain now make it far more likely that this will be the outcome: Saudi Shia who see the Saudi government repressing Shia in Bahrain will become more, not less, embittered toward their own government.  The Saudis also worried about opportunities for Iran to meddle in Bahrain and ultimately in Saudi Arabia itself.  But here again, the policy being followed will only create new chances for Iran by assuring enmity and political volatility in Bahrain.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t\u00bb<em>So the path being followed is disastrous.  Perhaps it is not too late for outside figures to try to open a dialogue between the Government of Bahrain and the Shia community, but for that to work the King and the royal family must stop the persecution of the Shia leadership.  As of now, they seem intent on crushing the Shia and eliminating all hope of a constitutional monarchy where the majority of Bahrain&rsquo;s people share with the King a role in building the country&rsquo;s future.  If the King does not change course, he is guaranteeing a future of instability for Bahrain and may be dooming any chance that his son the Crown Prince will ever sit on the throne.<\/em>\u00bb<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t Un autre aspect de cette situation de la puissance saoudienne conduisant \u00e0 des impasses politiques, \u00e9ventuellement des revers, se trouve avec le cas de la Ligue Arabe. Adam Morrow et Khaled Moussa Al-Omrani, de IPS, nous expliquent le <a href=\"http:\/\/ipsnews.net\/news.asp?idnews=55363\" class=\"gen\">23 avril 2011<\/a> que la Ligue Arabe est, depuis des ann\u00e9es, une marionnette de l&rsquo;Arabie qui la subventionne, l&rsquo;alimente, lui permet de vivre et de prosp\u00e9rer. Cela permet, ou permettait, aux USA de faire passer certaines d\u00e9cisions avantageant leurs int\u00e9r\u00eats politiques. Ces derni\u00e8res semaines, la Ligue Arabe s&rsquo;est enfonc\u00e9e dans le discr\u00e9dit en prenant des positions refl\u00e9tant plus la vision de l&rsquo;Arabie que celle des populations arabes en g\u00e9n\u00e9ral, au moment o\u00f9 l&rsquo;Arabie est de moins en moins per\u00e7ue comme repr\u00e9sentative du monde arabe. <\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t\u00ab<em>From the very beginning, the League has adopted conflicting positions vis-\u00e0-vis the popular revolts now rocking the Arab world, Walid Hassan, international law professor at Alexandria&rsquo;s Pharos University told IPS. While it supports the Libyan people against the Gaddafi regime, it is overtly backing oppressive regimes elsewhere, especially in the Gulf.<\/em> [] <\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t\u00bb<em>States of the Saudi-led GCC finance most of the Arab League&rsquo;s activities, Abdelhalim Kandil, political analyst and editor-in-chief of independent weekly Al-Sout Al-Umma told IPS. Therefore, the league is subject to disproportionate Saudi influence.  The Saudi regime, fearing for its own stability, has consistently opposed the Arab uprisings, he added. Riyadh hosted Tunisia&rsquo;s Ben Ali after his ouster; pressured Egypt&rsquo;s transitional government not to prosecute Mubarak; continues to support President Ali Abdullah Sallah in Yemen; and, most flagrantly, sent troops to support the Bahraini monarchy.<\/em> [] <\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t\u00bb<em>According to Kandil, Saudi Arabia has played a chief role in turning the Arab League in recent years into a bastion of U.S. influence lacking any effective or constructive role in the region.  Washington&rsquo;s Arab allies, especially Saudi Arabia and Egypt, had long used the League to legitimise U.S. policy in the Middle East, he said. As was the case with the 2003 U.S.-led war on Iraq, the west used Saudi&rsquo;s leading role in the League to obtain a resolution allowing it to use military force against Libya.<\/em> <\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t\u00bb<em>On Wednesday, the League announced the postponement of an Arab Summit scheduled to convene in Baghdad in mid-May. The move came as a response to the Iraqi government&rsquo;s sharp criticism of the recent deployment of Saudi troops to Bahrain.  The decision to delay the summit suggests that Saudi, along with other GCC states, is still trying to maintain its influence over the direction of the League, said Kandil.  But in light of rapidly unfolding political realities, Kandil believes this influence to be waning. In the past, regional policies were largely determined by an axis consisting of the U.S. and Israel on one hand, and Egypt and Saudi Arabia on the other, with the former two using the latter two to implement their policies, he said. But in the revolutionary atmosphere now pervading the Arab world, this era appears to be coming to a close.<\/em>\u00bb<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\tCette pr\u00e9sence consid\u00e9rable de l&rsquo;Arabie, cette influence en m\u00eame temps que le poids des liens avec les USA, alors que cette puissance US ne cesse de d\u00e9cliner et de d\u00e9velopper des politiques incoh\u00e9rentes, la perception \u00e9vidente que sa politique n&rsquo;a d&rsquo;autre but que de conserver une situation dont tout montre par ailleurs qu&rsquo;elle devient intenable sous la pression des tensions qui l&rsquo;assaillent, tout cela fait de plus en plus de l&rsquo;Arabie un g\u00e9ant assi\u00e9g\u00e9. Le paradoxe de ce pays, per\u00e7u pendant des ann\u00e9es comme une sorte d&rsquo;ectoplasme sans volont\u00e9, sans muscles ni nerfs, sans la moindre fermet\u00e9, install\u00e9 sur l&rsquo;opulence de la rente fortun\u00e9e du p\u00e9trole, est qu&rsquo;il s&rsquo;affirme au contraire dans une attitude dure et impitoyable, presque volontariste, au moment o\u00f9 les circonstances font de sa politique une impasse de plus en plus contraignante ; ainsi le g\u00e9ant dissimul\u00e9 se d\u00e9couvre-t-il g\u00e9ant au moment o\u00f9 il se met effectivement en position d&rsquo;\u00eatre assi\u00e9g\u00e9. Tout se passe comme si l&rsquo;Arabie choisissait de s&rsquo;affirmer g\u00e9ant au moment o\u00f9 cet \u00e9tat devient pour elle un fort potentiel de danger et de risques divers.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\tOn peut par exemple imaginer que l&rsquo;Arabie, si elle avait affirm\u00e9 plus ouvertement et plus fermement sa politique contre l&rsquo;Iran, il y a par exemple deux ans ou trois ans, aurait pu former une coalition redoutable avec l&rsquo;Egypte et Isra\u00ebl notamment, entra\u00eenant les USA dans l&rsquo;aventure. L&rsquo;attitude des Isra\u00e9liens, ou, dans tous les cas, du lobby isra\u00e9lien (l&rsquo;AIPAC) \u00e0 Washington, montre r\u00e9trospectivement que cette possibilit\u00e9 existait. Cette coalition n&rsquo;aurait pas \u00e9t\u00e9 glorieuse mais elle aurait \u00e9t\u00e9 efficace, et elle aurait pu contenir ou \u00e9carter les troubles actuels en concentrant toute la dynamique de la situation au Moyen-Orient sur les conditions d&rsquo;un affrontement d&rsquo;une partie du monde arabe avec l&rsquo;Iran,  au lieu de laisser cette orientation \u00e0 une coalition USA-Isra\u00ebl qui ne se fit jamais r\u00e9ellement sur ce probl\u00e8me, tant elle comportait justement de risques d&rsquo;hostilit\u00e9 de la part du monde musulman. Aujourd&rsquo;hui, une telle \u00e9volution est impossible, et les enthousiasmes de l&rsquo;AIPAC rel\u00e8vent de l&rsquo;illusion strat\u00e9gique. Au contraire, elle appara\u00eetrait comme une trahison saoudienne du monde arabe si patente que, dans l&rsquo;atmosph\u00e8re actuelle de tension, elle pourrait susciter (dans des pays comme la Turquie et l&rsquo;Irak) des r\u00e9alignements ou des basculements violents contre l&rsquo;Arabie et les Isra\u00e9lo-Am\u00e9ricains, au profit de l&rsquo;Iran. Il semble ainsi que l&rsquo;Arabie ait trouv\u00e9 une volont\u00e9 et une force qu&rsquo;elle n&rsquo;avait jamais montr\u00e9es au moment o\u00f9 celles-ci deviennent contre-productives, et plut\u00f4t pour susciter des oppositions encore grandissantes \u00e0 la politique qu&rsquo;elle repr\u00e9sente. L&rsquo;Arabie semble \u00eatre devenue plus forte pour pouvoir justifier mieux qu&rsquo;on la prenne pour cible ; elle semble d\u00e9velopper une politique de force attendue par tous les id\u00e9ologues extr\u00e9mistes isra\u00e9liens et am\u00e9ricanistes, au moment o\u00f9 cette politique de force perd tout cr\u00e9dit, toute raison d&rsquo;\u00eatre, et devient une sorte d&rsquo;acte d&rsquo;auto-accusation pour ceux qui la susciteraient ou la suivraient. Le probl\u00e8me de l&rsquo;Arabie, \u00e9videmment, est que sa politique de force est appuy\u00e9e sur la peur, et que cela se sent et se per\u00e7oit, jusqu&rsquo;\u00e0 lui enlever tout le cr\u00e9dit d&rsquo;une v\u00e9ritable puissance. Ainsi, l&rsquo;affirmation de l&rsquo;Arabie risque-t-elle de devenir un \u00e9l\u00e9ment paradoxal d&rsquo;acc\u00e9l\u00e9ration du d\u00e9sordre moyen-oriental mena\u00e7ant les int\u00e9r\u00eats et les positions du camp dont elle fait partie, et d&rsquo;elle-m\u00eame en premier bien entendu.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><\/p>\n<p><p>\tMis en ligne le 26 avril 2011 \u00e0 16H58<\/p><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Les \u00e9v\u00e9nements les plus importants ne se d\u00e9roulent pas n\u00e9cessairement l\u00e0 o\u00f9 les \u00e9v\u00e9nements se d\u00e9roulent. Le printemps arabe, version \u00e9gyptienne, est plus important aujourd&rsquo;hui que le rideau est tomb\u00e9 sur Moubarak et que certains craindraient de voir r\u00e9cup\u00e9r\u00e9e cette victoire d\u00e9mocratique, que lors de la charge furieuse qui eut raison de lui. Les \u00e9v\u00e9nements&hellip;&nbsp;<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"","ping_status":"","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"neve_meta_sidebar":"","neve_meta_container":"","neve_meta_enable_content_width":"","neve_meta_content_width":0,"neve_meta_title_alignment":"","neve_meta_author_avatar":"","neve_post_elements_order":"","neve_meta_disable_header":"","neve_meta_disable_footer":"","neve_meta_disable_title":"","footnotes":""},"categories":[2],"tags":[4330,6911,10936,2773,2774,10040,1094],"class_list":["post-72954","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-bloc-notes","tag-abrams","tag-arabe","tag-bahrein","tag-iran","tag-israel","tag-ligue","tag-lobe"],"jetpack_featured_media_url":"","_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/72954","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=72954"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/72954\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=72954"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=72954"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=72954"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}