{"id":73194,"date":"2012-06-12T05:49:09","date_gmt":"2012-06-12T05:49:09","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/2012\/06\/12\/du-serment-de-koufra-a-la-libye-de-bhl\/"},"modified":"2012-06-12T05:49:09","modified_gmt":"2012-06-12T05:49:09","slug":"du-serment-de-koufra-a-la-libye-de-bhl","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/2012\/06\/12\/du-serment-de-koufra-a-la-libye-de-bhl\/","title":{"rendered":"Du serment de Koufra \u00e0 la Libye de BHL"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><h3 class=\"titrebloc\">Du serment de Koufra \u00e0 la Libye de BHL<\/h3>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\tEffectivement, c&rsquo;est l&rsquo;engagement que le colonel Leclerc avait solennellement pass\u00e9 avec les 400 hommes de la colonne Leclerc qui avaient remport\u00e9 la bataille de Koufra, la premi\u00e8re victoire de la France Libre. Le <a href=\"http:\/\/fr.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/Bataille_de_Koufra\" class=\"gen\">serment de Koufra<\/a> fut proclam\u00e9 le 2 mars 1942 et il disait :  \u00ab<em>Jurez de ne d\u00e9poser les armes que lorsque nos couleurs, nos belles couleurs, flotteront sur la cath\u00e9drale de Strasbourg.<\/em>\u00bb<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\tSi nous rappelons cette r\u00e9f\u00e9rence, c&rsquo;est parce qu&rsquo;elle a d\u00e9lib\u00e9r\u00e9ment servi d&rsquo;inspirateur (sinon d&rsquo;aspirateur) pour le documentaire du bouffon m\u00e9taphysique BHL, Leclerc de Hautecloque postmoderne, pour son film <em>Le serment de Tobrouk<\/em>, qui expose comment BHL introduisit la paradis d\u00e9mocratique en Libye. Thomas Sotinel, dans <em>Le Monde<\/em> du <a href=\"http:\/\/www.lemonde.fr\/cinema\/article\/2012\/06\/05\/le-serment-de-tobrouk-bernard-henri-levy-disciple-involontaire-de-chaplin_1713052_3476.html\" class=\"gen\">6 juin 2012<\/a>, a not\u00e9 la chose, avec un certain ahurissement<D>: <\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t\u00ab<em>Le protagoniste omnipr\u00e9sent, omniscient, est le metteur en sc\u00e8ne de la r\u00e9volution, il en dirige du mieux qu&rsquo;il le peut les acteurs, et quand ceux-ci s&rsquo;\u00e9cartent du sc\u00e9nario, la voix off vient les remettre dans le droit chemin. Il faut attendre la conclusion de ce long-m\u00e9trage (ce qui r\u00e9clame un peu de patience) pour en comprendre le titre : dans le cimeti\u00e8re des Forces fran\u00e7aises libres \u00e0 Tobrouk (qui fut le th\u00e9\u00e2tre d&rsquo;une bataille pendant la seconde guerre mondiale), le metteur en sc\u00e8ne entra\u00eene ses compagnons libyens afin qu&rsquo;ils pr\u00eatent une moderne version du serment de Koufra que jur\u00e8rent les combattants de la deuxi\u00e8me division blind\u00e9e de Leclerc.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t\u00bb<em>La plupart des cin\u00e9astes qui se mettent eux-m\u00eames en sc\u00e8ne sont des comiques, de Chaplin \u00e0 Max Linder ou Emmanuel Mouret. Ils n&rsquo;ont jamais eu peur du ridicule ni du danger physique. Empruntant, consciemment ou non, \u00e0 leur grammaire (la constance de l&rsquo;aspect physique dans toutes les circonstances, l&rsquo;omnipr\u00e9sence, l&rsquo;exag\u00e9ration des traits de caract\u00e8re, la r\u00e9p\u00e9tition des situations), Bernard-Henri L\u00e9vy met ses pas dans les leurs.<\/em>\u00bb<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\tCette r\u00e9f\u00e9rence permet donc de mieux introduire les derni\u00e8res nouvelles concernant la situation paradisiaque et d\u00e9mocratique, pr\u00e9cis\u00e9ment \u00e0 Koufra, \u00e0 peu pr\u00e8s 70 ans apr\u00e8s la victoire des troupes du futur g\u00e9n\u00e9ral Leclerc et \u00e0 peu pr\u00e8s un an apr\u00e8s l&rsquo;intervention d\u00e9cid\u00e9e et dirig\u00e9e par le colonel et futur g\u00e9n\u00e9ral BHL. (D&rsquo;apr\u00e8s la radio <em>La Voix de la Russie<\/em>, le <a href=\"http:\/\/french.ruvr.ru\/2012_06_11\/Libye-tribu-combats\/\" class=\"gen\">11 juin 2012<\/a>.)<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t\u00ab<em>23 personnes ont \u00e9t\u00e9 tu\u00e9es et des dizaines autres bless\u00e9es dans des combats entre la tribu des Toubous et des forces gouvernementales \u00e0 Koufra, ville frontali\u00e8re du Tchad, du Soudan et de l&rsquo;Egypte situ\u00e9s dans le Sud-est de la Libye.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t\u00bb<em>Selon un m\u00e9decin toubou, 20 personnes de sa tribu ont \u00e9t\u00e9 tu\u00e9es, dont des femmes et des enfants, tandis que le commandant de la brigade Bouclier de la Libye, a fait \u00e9tat de trois morts et 12 bless\u00e9s parmi ses hommes. Issa Abdelmajid, le chef controvers\u00e9 des Toubous, a fait \u00e9tat quant \u00e0 lui de 28 morts, appelant les Nations unies \u00e0 faire pression sur le Conseil national de transition (CNT, au pouvoir en Libye) pour lever le si\u00e8ge sur les Toubous qui font face \u00e0 un plan d&rsquo;extermination.<\/em>\u00bb<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\tLe cas nous entra\u00eene vers cet article de l&rsquo;<em>Observer<\/em>, du <a href=\"http:\/\/www.guardian.co.uk\/world\/2012\/jun\/10\/libya-split-between-militias\" class=\"gen\">10 juin 2012<\/a>, particuli\u00e8rement complet pour nous faire embrasser la situation en Libye,  la Libye outrag\u00e9e ! La Libye bris\u00e9e ! La Libye martyris\u00e9e ! <a href=\"http:\/\/www.ina.fr\/histoire-et-conflits\/seconde-guerre-mondiale\/video\/I00012416\/charles-de-gaulle-paris-paris-outrage-paris-brise-paris-martyrise-mais-paris-libere.fr.html\" class=\"gen\">Mais la Libye lib\u00e9r\u00e9e<\/a> !,  c&rsquo;est-\u00e0-dire divis\u00e9e, morcel\u00e9e, plong\u00e9e dans le d\u00e9sordre des fractionnements et des s\u00e9cessions de fait, ce que l&rsquo;auteur de l&rsquo;article Chris Stevens qualifie \u00e9trangement de <em>the price of the success<\/em> Ainsi est-on conduit \u00e0 se demander de quelle sorte de succ\u00e8s parle l&rsquo;auteur, et au nom de quoi sinon de la satisfaction de <a href=\" http:\/\/www.dedefensa.org\/article-la_raison_devenue_idiote_utile_de_l_affectivit__11_06_2012.html\" class=\"gen\">l&rsquo;affectivit\u00e9<\/a> consid\u00e9r\u00e9e comme manipulatrice de la raison en politique, ce terme de succ\u00e8s est employ\u00e9. Si le prix du succ\u00e8s est pire que le succ\u00e8s lui-m\u00eame, comme le cas ne cesse chaque jour d&rsquo;\u00eatre d\u00e9montr\u00e9, la raison au service de l&rsquo;affectivit\u00e9 fait effectivement son travail en d\u00e9veloppant la grossi\u00e8re d\u00e9marche sophistique d&#8217;employer le terme de succ\u00e8s dans de telles circonstances. M\u00eame Pyrrhus ne saurait qu&rsquo;en faire, de ce succ\u00e8s-l\u00e0, tel que le d\u00e9crit Chris Stevens lui-m\u00eame. <\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t\u00ab<em>National flags from around the world flutter in the bright sunshine by a city gate made of shipping containers painted in the Libyan national colours. A uniformed militiaman examines my passport, then waves me through with a smile. Welcome to the Republic of Misrata. Libya&rsquo;s third largest city, recipient of a six-month pummelling during last year&rsquo;s revolution against the regime of Muammar Gaddafi, has transformed itself into what is an independent state in all but name. Libya is due to hold national elections in 10 days, but these look like they may be delayed as any sense of post-Gaddafi national unity dissipated long ago. Misrata is divorced from the new government, which it views as secretive, dictatorial and heavy-handed, and, as a city with a long tradition of trading, is going its own way. Shops and restaurants are being fixed up, business is brisk, and there is enough traffic on the pockmarked streets to create honking traffic jams.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t\u00bb<em>Qasr Ahmed, Libya&rsquo;s biggest container port, is the jewel in the city&rsquo;s crown. The harbour that once spouted the geysers of incoming rockets is now jammed with shipping, and I get a tour in the only tug in Libya that can do something complicated with its engines that allows it to move sideways. The port authority has decided to run the place without reference to central government, which means that the port is open 24 hours a day, and also means that Misrata gets to keep the tugboat. In the old days there would be 12 forms and it would take 10 days to pay all the bribes, says Nasser Mokhtar, who printed photographs of the shaheed  martyrs  in the war in his print shop and is now back at his clothing import business. Now, he explains, there are no bribes; customs officers fear the wrath of the port authority if they try it on.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t\u00bb<em>Misrata held its own city elections in February, the first anywhere in Libya for four decades, and the new council is now busy organising the police, army, education and health services. And that is the problem. The price of this success has been a divorce from a central government. We don&rsquo;t want to be independent, we want Libya to be like us, says Farouk Ben Amin, a former rebel fighter now working in the family import business, who has shaved off his rebel beard and looks 10 years younger.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t\u00bb<em>It&rsquo;s not just Misrata. From all points of the compass, revolt, even revolution, is in the air as Libya&rsquo;s former rebel towns go their own way<\/em> []<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t\u00bb<em>The most serious challenge to central authority is Benghazi, where the revolution began in February last year. Like Misrata, Benghazi held its own elections earlier this year, and like Misrata the city council is busy assuming powers for itself at the expense of central government. Some in the city want to go further. Benghazi is the capital of Cyrenaica, which with the regions of Tripolitania and Fezzan make up Libya, and many citizens are unhappy that the province gets only 60 of the 200 seats in the national elections. A self-proclaimed Council of Barqa  the Arab name for Cyrenaica  is urging a boycott of the national elections unless it gets a bigger slice of seats.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t\u00bb<em>Benghazi is a good place to feel the continuing heartbeat of the revolution: teams of teenage volunteers collect the rubbish, fix up the streets and paint white lines on the highways. Those white lines zigzag alarmingly, but the citizens appreciate the effort; a vivid contrast to the potholed roads of Tripoli.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t\u00bb<em>It&rsquo;s not independence but democracy that the people want, says Hanna El Gallal, a human rights activist. We got rid of Gaddafi, but not the regime, she tells me. She points to the secrecy of the NTC, which, despite promising democracy, keeps its meetings secret and refuses even to disclose its full membership. We didn&rsquo;t do a revolution and our people did not die to bring a new dictatorship.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t\u00bb<em>When the NTC does issue decrees, Libyans are aghast; last month it issued law number 37, making it a criminal offence to criticise the 17 February revolution. Human Rights Watch pointed out in a scathing report that the law is, word for word, almost the same as Gaddafi&rsquo;s rule banning criticism. In London last month, Libyan prime minister Abdurrahim el-Keib insisted that the law would soon be cancelled, but failed to explain why the government had introduced it in the first place. The NTC don&rsquo;t mean to act this way, said an official with a western embassy in Tripoli. But they don&rsquo;t know any other way.<\/em>\u00bb<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\tEt ainsi continue l&rsquo;article, remarquablement complet et sans rien dissimuler de la situation libyenne. Il est vrai que la Libye n&rsquo;int\u00e9resse plus grand monde aujourd&rsquo;hui, \u00e0 l&rsquo;heure o\u00f9 tous les regards sont convi\u00e9s \u00e0 se tourner vers la Syrie comme champ d&rsquo;action id\u00e9al d&rsquo;application du mod\u00e8le libyen puisque le mod\u00e8le a ainsi fait ses preuves. L&rsquo;effet g\u00e9n\u00e9ral que procure l&rsquo;article est celui de la Libye transform\u00e9e en une n\u00e9buleuse anim\u00e9e d&rsquo;un mouvement centrifuge, fractionnant le pays en r\u00e9gions et entit\u00e9s diverses, certaines satisfaites de leur sort et s&rsquo;offrant en mod\u00e8le au reste du pays, d&rsquo;autres plong\u00e9es dans des affrontements insaisissables et incontr\u00f4lables, chacun organisant ses \u00e9lections de son c\u00f4t\u00e9, le tout couronn\u00e9 par un gouvernement impuissant et conduit \u00e0 des d\u00e9cisions arbitraires dont l&rsquo;inspirateur est le colonel Kadhafi.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\tLes commentaires suscit\u00e9s par l&rsquo;article ont souvent le m\u00e9rite de mettre en \u00e9vidence la chute vertigineuse de cr\u00e9dit de cette presse lib\u00e9rale de gauche dont fait partie le <em>Guardian<\/em>, qui assura une part importante de la croisade de communication contre l&rsquo;interventionnisme des USA du temps de G.W. Bush. Aujourd&rsquo;hui, cette presse en remonterait aux <em>neocons<\/em>, en fait de soutien \u00e0 l&rsquo;interventionnisme du bloc BAO et d&rsquo;organisation du soutien \u00e0 l&rsquo;interventionnisme du bloc BAO par le biais de la manipulation de la communication. Par exemple, ce commentaire du lecteur Rantalot, du 10 juin \u00e9galement :<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t\u00ab<em>The Guardian and all the rest of the mainstream media supported the criminal theft of Libya. US hegemony supported by toady brown-nosed UK, France etc, sickening to behold. The Guardian went along with the whole crock, never has such a publication lost so much credibility in such a short time.<\/em>\u00bb<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t&#8230;D&rsquo;autres, enfin, noteraient que cette \u00e9volution des lib\u00e9raux de gauche n&rsquo;est pas r\u00e9ellement une trahison mais plut\u00f4t un retour aux sources. Nous parlons alors des lib\u00e9raux bellicistes (<em>liberal hawks<\/em>), tels qu&rsquo;ils se manifest\u00e8rent lors de la guerre contre le Kosovo de 1999, qui fut compl\u00e8tement leur oeuvre. Ils apparaissent, ces <em>liberal hawks<\/em> dont Hillary Clinton est la pure repr\u00e9sentante, comme les vrais architectes de la doctrine interventionniste purement d&rsquo;inspiration lib\u00e9rale, se r\u00e9f\u00e9rant au wilsonisme (le pr\u00e9sident d\u00e9mocrate Wilson, de 1912 \u00e0 1920). D&rsquo;ailleurs, on sait bien la filiation r\u00e9elle des <em>neocons<\/em>, du trotskisme \u00e0 ce m\u00eame lib\u00e9ralisme interventionniste, et la trahison serait plut\u00f4t celle du bushisme, qui parach\u00e8ve l&rsquo;\u00e9volution perverse du conservatisme traditionnel US, fondamentalement isolationniste \u00e0 l&rsquo;origine.   <\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><\/p>\n<p><p>\tMis en ligne le 12 juin 2012 \u00e0 05H36<\/p><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Du serment de Koufra \u00e0 la Libye de BHL Effectivement, c&rsquo;est l&rsquo;engagement que le colonel Leclerc avait solennellement pass\u00e9 avec les 400 hommes de la colonne Leclerc qui avaient remport\u00e9 la bataille de Koufra, la premi\u00e8re victoire de la France Libre. Le serment de Koufra fut proclam\u00e9 le 2 mars 1942 et il disait :&hellip;&nbsp;<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"","ping_status":"","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"neve_meta_sidebar":"","neve_meta_container":"","neve_meta_enable_content_width":"","neve_meta_content_width":0,"neve_meta_title_alignment":"","neve_meta_author_avatar":"","neve_post_elements_order":"","neve_meta_disable_header":"","neve_meta_disable_footer":"","neve_meta_disable_title":"","footnotes":""},"categories":[2],"tags":[3417,11934,3659,3206,3490,1242,14894,14893,4679,6902,1104,3867,14895],"class_list":["post-73194","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-bloc-notes","tag-bhl","tag-bushisme","tag-guardian","tag-hawks","tag-interventionnisme","tag-isolationnisme","tag-koufra","tag-leclerc","tag-liberal","tag-libye","tag-neocons","tag-syrie","tag-tobrouk"],"jetpack_featured_media_url":"","_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/73194","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=73194"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/73194\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=73194"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=73194"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=73194"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}