{"id":74129,"date":"2011-10-10T12:27:10","date_gmt":"2011-10-10T12:27:10","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/2011\/10\/10\/ows-et-autour-une-enigme-entouree-de-mysteres\/"},"modified":"2011-10-10T12:27:10","modified_gmt":"2011-10-10T12:27:10","slug":"ows-et-autour-une-enigme-entouree-de-mysteres","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/2011\/10\/10\/ows-et-autour-une-enigme-entouree-de-mysteres\/","title":{"rendered":"OWS et autour, \u201cune \u00e9nigme entour\u00e9e de myst\u00e8res\u201d"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><p>Deux appr\u00e9ciations sur <em>Occupy Wall Street<\/em> sont int\u00e9ressantes \u00e0 confronter. Elles viennent de voix de la gauche qu&rsquo;il nous arrive de citer, l&rsquo;une un peu plus institutionnalis\u00e9e, l&rsquo;autre un peu plus dissidente, chacun des deux personnages plac\u00e9 dans la partie radicale de l&rsquo;ensemble politique o\u00f9 il se situe. Il s&rsquo;agit d&rsquo;une part de Robert Reich, ancien secr\u00e9taire au travail de Clinton, actuellement professeur d&rsquo;\u00e9conomie, sur <em>CommonDreams.org<\/em> le <a href=\"http:\/\/www.commondreams.org\/view\/2011\/10\/09-2\" class=\"gen\">9 octobre 2011<\/a> ; il s&rsquo;agit d&rsquo;autre part de Naomi Klein, activiste, journaliste et commentatrice, auteur de l&rsquo;excellent <em>Strat\u00e9gie du choc<\/em> (Actes Sud, 2008). (Ce livre est une des meilleures descriptions historiques de l&rsquo;activit\u00e9 op\u00e9rationnelle et, de ce fait, <strong>fondamentale<\/strong>, du capitalisme qu&rsquo;on aime \u00e0 qualifier d&rsquo;extr\u00e9miste et que nous qualifierions, nous, de capitalisme ayant atteint dans son action sa pl\u00e9nitude logique de d\u00e9structuration et de dissolution.)<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\tIl s&rsquo;agit de deux visions on ne peut plus diff\u00e9rentes, sinon \u00e9trang\u00e8res. Elles permettent de saisir les enjeux et les caract\u00e8res du mouvement OWS, l&rsquo;int\u00e9r\u00eat exceptionnel qu&rsquo;il soul\u00e8ve mais, aussi, les fa\u00e7ons diverses et parfois d\u00e9routantes \u00e0 force de diff\u00e9rences dont il est appr\u00e9hend\u00e9. <\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t Robert Reich envisage le mouvement d&rsquo;un point de vue nettement politique, disons avec les calculs de la raison et de l&rsquo;exp\u00e9rience politique. La question qu&rsquo;il se pose est de savoir si OWS va profiter au parti d\u00e9mocrate (\u00e0 Obama,  pour l&rsquo;\u00e9lection de 2012), de la m\u00eame fa\u00e7on que <em>Tea Party<\/em> a profit\u00e9 aux r\u00e9publicains (le GOP classique) A l&rsquo;extr\u00eame conclusion de son analyse politique, on le verra d&rsquo;ailleurs introduire une nuance fondamentale, d&rsquo;une simple allusion, par rapport \u00e0 <em>Tea Party<\/em> : qui a mang\u00e9 l&rsquo;autre, <em>Tea Party<\/em> ou GOP ? (\u00ab[T]<em>he way the GOP has embraced  or, more accurately,<\/em> <strong><em>been forced<\/em><\/strong> <em>to embrace  right-wing populism.<\/em>\u00bb) Cette remarque pourrait aussi bien nuancer la r\u00e9ponse que Reich fait \u00e0 propos des rapports entre OWS et parti d\u00e9mocrate&#8230; Quoi qu&rsquo;il en soit et d&rsquo;une fa\u00e7on g\u00e9n\u00e9rale, Reich est pessimiste (du point de vue d\u00e9mocrate) : OWS et son activisme militant, ce n&rsquo;est pas la tasse de th\u00e9 du tr\u00e8s conformiste et prudent, et tr\u00e8s institutionnalis\u00e9 pr\u00e9sident Obama Dans tous les cas, l&rsquo;analyse de Reich a l&rsquo;avantage de rafra\u00eechir des m\u00e9moires \u00e9ventuellement d\u00e9faillantes sur le fait de savoir <strong>qui<\/strong> a couvert Wall Street de $milliards \u00e0 la pelle, et le reste.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t\u00ab<em>Will the Wall Street Occupiers morph into a movement that has as much impact on the Democratic Party as the Tea Party has had on the GOP? Maybe. But there are reasons for doubting it<\/em> []<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t\u00bb<em>The Tea Party has been quick to pick up the same class theme. At the Conservative Political Action Conference of 2010, Minnesota Governor Tom Pawlenty attacked the elites who believe Tea Partiers are not as sophisticated because a lot of them didn&rsquo;t go to Ivy League Schools and don&rsquo;t hang out at  Chablis-drinking, Brie-eating parties in San Francisco. After his son Rand Paul was elected for Kentucky&rsquo;s Senate seat that May, Congressman Ron Paul explained that voters want to get rid of the power people who run the show, the people who think they&rsquo;re above everyone else.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t\u00bb<em>Which brings us to the present day. Barack Obama is many things but he is as far from left-wing populism as any Democratic president in modern history. True, he once had the temerity to berate fat cats on Wall Street, but that remark was the exception  and subsequently caused him endless problems on the Street.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t\u00bb<em>To the contrary, Obama has been extraordinarily solicitous of Wall Street and big business  making Timothy Geithner Treasury Secretary and de facto ambassador from the Street; seeing to it that Bush&rsquo;s Fed appointee, Ben Bernanke, got another term; and appointing GE Chair Jeffrey Immelt to head his jobs council. Most tellingly, it was President Obama&rsquo;s unwillingness to place conditions on the bailout of Wall Street  not demanding, for example, that the banks reorganize the mortgages of distressed homeowners, and that they accept the resurrection of the Glass-Steagall Act, as conditions for getting hundreds of billions of taxpayer dollars  that contributed to the new populist insurrection.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t\u00bb<em>The Wall Street bailout fueled the Tea Party (at the Utah Republican convention that ousted incumbent Republican Senator Robert Bennett in 2010, the mob repeatedly shouted TARP! TARP! TARP!), and it surely fuels some of the current fulminations of Occupy Wall Street.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t\u00bb<em>This is not to say that the Occupiers can have no impact on the Democrats. Nothing good happens in Washington  regardless of how good our president or representatives may be  unless good people join together outside Washington to make it happen. Pressure from the left is critically important.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t\u00bb<em>But the modern Democratic Party is not likely to embrace left-wing populism the way the GOP has embraced  or, more accurately, been forced to embrace  right-wing populism. Just follow the money, and remember history.<\/em>\u00bb<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t S&rsquo;ils sont de gauche tous les deux, il faut parfois se pincer pour s&rsquo;en rappeler, en comparant l&rsquo;analyse de Reich et la p\u00e9roraison de Klein P\u00e9roraison, effectivement, puisqu&rsquo;il s&rsquo;agit d&rsquo;une adaptation d&rsquo;un discours que Noami Klein est all\u00e9e prononcer devant les Occupants de OWS, au cur de la forteresse de Wall Street, dont une premi\u00e8re \u00e9dition a \u00e9t\u00e9 imprim\u00e9e dans <em>The Occupied Wall Street Journal<\/em>, version activiste du fameux journal new yorkais, avant de l&rsquo;\u00eatre dans <em>The Nation<\/em> (et, d&rsquo;autre part, reprise dans <em>CommonDreams.org<\/em>). L&rsquo;intervention de Klein est lyrique. Elle vient d&rsquo;une militante toujours sur la br\u00e8che, elle qui fut parmi les activistes qui se battirent dans les rues de Seattle, contre la globalisation, en 1999. Pourtant, que de diff\u00e9rences entre Seattle-1999 et Wall Street-2011 : \u00ab<em>Occupy Wall Street, on the other hand, has chosen a fixed target. And you have put no end date on your presence here. This is wise. Only when you stay put can you grow roots. This is crucial. It is a fact of the information age that too many movements spring up like beautiful flowers but quickly die off. It&rsquo;s because they don&rsquo;t have roots. And they don&rsquo;t have long term plans for how they are going to sustain themselves. So when storms come, they get washed away.<\/em> [] <em>Something else this movement is doing right: You have committed yourselves to non-violence. You have refused to give the media the images of broken windows and street fights it craves so desperately. And that tremendous discipline has meant that, again and again, the story has been the disgraceful and unprovoked police brutality.<\/em>\u00bb<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\tVoici donc, lyrique et pleine de feu, Naomi Klein parlant \u00e0 la foule de OWS. Rien de plus diff\u00e9rent des analyses de Robert Reich.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t\u00ab<em>I love you.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t\u00bb<em>And I didn&rsquo;t just say that so that hundreds of you would shout I love you back, though that is obviously a bonus feature of the human microphone. Say unto others what you would have them say unto you, only way louder. Yesterday, one of the speakers at the labor rally said: We found each other. That sentiment captures the beauty of what is being created here. A wide-open space (as well as an idea so big it can&rsquo;t be contained by any space) for all the people who want a better world to find each other. We are so grateful.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t\u00bb<em>If there is one thing I know, it is that the 1 percent loves a crisis. When people are panicked and desperate and no one seems to know what to do, that is the ideal time to push through their wish list of pro-corporate policies: privatizing education and social security, slashing public services, getting rid of the last constraints on corporate power. Amidst the economic crisis, this is happening the world over.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t\u00bb<em>And there is only one thing that can block this tactic, and fortunately, it&rsquo;s a very big thing: the 99 percent. And that 99 percent is taking to the streets from Madison to Madrid to say No. We will not pay for your crisis. That slogan began in Italy in 2008. It ricocheted to Greece and France and Ireland and finally it has made its way to the square mile where the crisis began.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t\u00bb<em>Why are they protesting? ask the baffled pundits on TV. Meanwhile, the rest of the world asks: What took you so long? We&rsquo;ve been wondering when you were going to show up. And most of all: Welcome.<\/em> []<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t\u00bb<em>We have picked a fight with the most powerful economic and political forces on the planet. That&rsquo;s frightening. And as this movement grows from strength to strength, it will get more frightening. Always be aware that there will be a temptation to shift to smaller targetslike, say, the person sitting next to you at this meeting. After all, that is a battle that&rsquo;s easier to win.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t\u00bb<em>Don&rsquo;t give in to the temptation. I&rsquo;m not saying don&rsquo;t call each other on shit. But this time, let&rsquo;s treat each other as if we plan to work side by side in struggle for many, many years to come. Because the task before will demand nothing less.<\/em> <\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\t\u00bb<em>Let&rsquo;s treat this beautiful movement as if it is most important thing in the world. Because it is. It really is.<\/em>\u00bb<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\tLa diff\u00e9rence de ton est remarquable, r\u00e9v\u00e9latrice sans aucun doute. Elle montre une diff\u00e9rence de perception consid\u00e9rable, \u00e0 l&rsquo;int\u00e9rieur de la gauche lib\u00e9rale nord-am\u00e9ricaine elle-m\u00eame (Klein est Canadienne, Reich citoyen US). Cette diff\u00e9rence de perception implique une diff\u00e9rence d&rsquo;appr\u00e9ciation des probl\u00e8mes pos\u00e9s, par cons\u00e9quent et comme il va sans dire, une diff\u00e9rence fondamentale dans la fa\u00e7on de les traiter. Reich ne peut percevoir OWS qu&rsquo;\u00e0 partir de la structure m\u00eame du parti d\u00e9mocrate, d&rsquo;o\u00f9 il est issu et \u00e0 laquelle il se r\u00e9f\u00e8re organiquement (m\u00eame si c&rsquo;est, le plus souvent et de plus en plus souvent, pour le critiquer). Klein ne fait strictement aucune r\u00e9f\u00e9rence, ni au parti d\u00e9mocrate, ni \u00e0 l&rsquo;<em>establishment<\/em>, ni \u00e0 quelque structure politique existante que ce soit, sinon sous forme d&rsquo;anath\u00e8mes d\u00e9signant le monstre qu&rsquo;il qu&rsquo;il s&rsquo;agit d&rsquo;abattre sans r\u00e9pission (\u00ab<em>the most powerful economic and political forces on the planet<\/em>\u00bb). Une fois observ\u00e9 que OWS ne pourra sans doute pas trouver sa place quelque part dans la mouvance d\u00e9mocrate, on pourrait \u00eatre port\u00e9 \u00e0 croire qu&rsquo;OWS n&rsquo;existe plus pour Reich ; pour Klein, c&rsquo;est encore plus simple : \u00e0 c\u00f4t\u00e9 d&rsquo;OWS, le parti d\u00e9mocrate n&rsquo;existe simplement pas, d\u00e8s l&rsquo;origine dirait-on. On dirait que les deux auteurs et analystes parlent d&rsquo;une chose compl\u00e8tement diff\u00e9rente alors qu&rsquo;il s&rsquo;agit d&rsquo;un \u00e9v\u00e9nement qu&rsquo;ils devraient consid\u00e9rer comme appartenant \u00e0 leur famille politique commune, donc avec des r\u00e9f\u00e9rences communes (m\u00eame s&rsquo;il s&rsquo;agirait d&rsquo;interpr\u00e9tations diff\u00e9rentes, sinon oppos\u00e9es).<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><p>\tLe mouvement <em>Occupy Wall Street<\/em> peut appara\u00eetre \u00e0 certains comme une inconnue, \u00e0 d&rsquo;autre comme <a href=\"http:\/\/www.dedefensa.org\/article-notes_sur_les_complots_de_wall_street_10_10_2011.html \" class=\"gen\">un complot<\/a>. A l&rsquo;inverse, il s&rsquo;av\u00e8re, d&rsquo;une fa\u00e7on tr\u00e8s active, comme un r\u00e9v\u00e9lateur de l&rsquo;extr\u00eame diversit\u00e9 des perceptions, sinon de leur d\u00e9sordre et de leur chaos, m\u00eame \u00e0 l&rsquo;int\u00e9rieur de ce que l&rsquo;on nomme d&rsquo;habitude une famille politique. S&rsquo;il est \u00e9ventuellement chaos lui-m\u00eame, OWS nous montre \u00e9galement le chaos qui r\u00e8gne autour de lui ; ce qui, apr\u00e8s tout, justifie et explique son existence, chaos n\u00e9 du chaos L&rsquo;\u00e9volution d&rsquo;OWS devient, dans de telles conditions, et pour paraphraser le mot du Churchill sur la direction sovi\u00e9tique, celui d&rsquo;une \u00e9nigme entour\u00e9e de myst\u00e8res ; l&rsquo;\u00e9nigme, c&rsquo;est OWS lui-m\u00eame ; les myst\u00e8res, ce sont la diversit\u00e9 et l&rsquo;\u00e9volution des perceptions autour de OWS, de tous les c\u00f4t\u00e9s et de toutes les fa\u00e7ons. Il nous semble que cette affaire est promise \u00e0 durer, \u00e0 amener des surprises, et qu&rsquo;il ne suffira pas de tel ou tel complot et de telles et telles analyses contradictoires pour venir \u00e0 bout de sa compr\u00e9hension.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p><\/p>\n<p><p>\tMis en ligne le 10 octobre 2011 \u00e0 12H32<\/p><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Deux appr\u00e9ciations sur Occupy Wall Street sont int\u00e9ressantes \u00e0 confronter. Elles viennent de voix de la gauche qu&rsquo;il nous arrive de citer, l&rsquo;une un peu plus institutionnalis\u00e9e, l&rsquo;autre un peu plus dissidente, chacun des deux personnages plac\u00e9 dans la partie radicale de l&rsquo;ensemble politique o\u00f9 il se situe. Il s&rsquo;agit d&rsquo;une part de Robert Reich,&hellip;&nbsp;<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"","ping_status":"","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"neve_meta_sidebar":"","neve_meta_container":"","neve_meta_enable_content_width":"","neve_meta_content_width":0,"neve_meta_title_alignment":"","neve_meta_author_avatar":"","neve_post_elements_order":"","neve_meta_disable_header":"","neve_meta_disable_footer":"","neve_meta_disable_title":"","footnotes":""},"categories":[2],"tags":[11451,2763,3009,5145,11565,11493,5623,3182,3134,8624,3372,3132],"class_list":["post-74129","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-bloc-notes","tag-11451","tag-activisme","tag-democrates","tag-klein","tag-naomi","tag-occupy","tag-parti","tag-reich","tag-robert","tag-seattle","tag-street","tag-wall"],"jetpack_featured_media_url":"","_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/74129","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=74129"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/74129\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=74129"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=74129"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=74129"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}