{"id":74156,"date":"2011-10-18T18:33:18","date_gmt":"2011-10-18T18:33:18","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/2011\/10\/18\/notes-sur-la-journee-occupy-world-streets\/"},"modified":"2011-10-18T18:33:18","modified_gmt":"2011-10-18T18:33:18","slug":"notes-sur-la-journee-occupy-world-streets","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/2011\/10\/18\/notes-sur-la-journee-occupy-world-streets\/","title":{"rendered":"Notes sur la journ\u00e9e Occupy World Streets<\/em>"},"content":{"rendered":"

Notes sur la journ\u00e9e Occupy World Streets<\/em><\/h2>\n<\/p>\n

\tTrois jours apr\u00e8s les manifestations globales du 15 octobre, dans l’encha\u00eenement de Occupy Wall Street<\/em> comme point majeur de r\u00e9f\u00e9rence d’une cha\u00eene crisique<\/a> inaugur\u00e9e en Tunisie en d\u00e9cembre 2010, d\u00e9j\u00e0 annonc\u00e9e avec les premi\u00e8res manifestations d’indign\u00e9s europ\u00e9ens comme signes d’avant-garde inspirateurs, on peut tirer quelques enseignements int\u00e9ressants sur ce mouvement.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\tOn notera qu’en temps que mouvement, dans ce cas des indign\u00e9s, il y a eu ce renforcement majeur si pas d\u00e9cisif (Occupy Wall Street<\/em>) aux USA, mais que la dynamique globale de la chose, avant et avec OWS, est fermement confirm\u00e9e par le 15 octobre. Le mouvement est venu de l’ext\u00e9rieur vers les USA, il relance l’ext\u00e9rieur \u00e0 partir des USA. Il montre, ce mouvement, qu’il a une dynamique constructive et efficace.<\/p>\n

Le 15 octobre \u00e0 la mesure du monde<\/h3>\n<\/p>\n

\tNous voyons d’abord un panorama g\u00e9n\u00e9ral du 15 octobre, surtout dans ses modalit\u00e9s, dans ses d\u00e9veloppements, dans les conceptions qui apparaissent, la sorte de lien qui est \u00e9tabli entre les uns et les autres, etc. Un article du Guardian<\/em> du 18 octobre 2011<\/a> en donne une bonne id\u00e9e, pour nous, au travers de quelques citations, avec, soulign\u00e9s en gras, un membre de phrase ou un mot qui nous semble important.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\t\u00abIn Madrid, tens of thousands thronged the Puerta del Sol square shouting Hands up! This is a robbery! In Santiago, 25,000 Chileans processed through the city, pausing outside the presidential palace to hurl insults at the country’s billionaire president. In Frankfurt, more than 5,000 people massed outside the European Central Bank, in scenes echoed in 50 towns and cities across Germany, from Berlin to Stuttgart. Sixty thousand people gathered in Barcelona, 100 in Manila, 3,000 in Auckland, 200 in Kuala Lumpur, 1,000 in Tel Aviv, 4,000 in London.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\t\u00bbA month to the day after 1,000 people first turned up in Wall Street to express their outrage at corporate greed and social inequality, campaigners are reflecting on a weekend that saw a relatively modest demonstration in New York swell into a truly global howl of protest. The Occupy campaign may have hoped, at its launch, to inspire similar action elsewhere, but few can have foreseen that within four weeks, more than 900 cities around the world would host co-ordinated protests directly or loosely affiliated to the Occupy cause.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\t\u00bbThe exact targets of protesters’ anger may<\/em> differ from city to city and country to country<\/em><\/strong>. But while their numbers remain small in many places, activists argue that Saturday’s demonstrations, many of which are still ongoing and are pledged to remain so for the foreseeable future are evidence of a growing wave of<\/em> global anger<\/em><\/strong> at social and economic injustice. This is not a battle by youth or Chilean society, said Camila Vallejo, a Chilean student leader who has become a key figure in that country’s protests, and who this week travelled to Europe to forge alliances with protest movements there. This is a world battle that<\/em> transcends all frontiers.<\/em><\/strong><\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\t\u00bbThe UN secretary general Ban Ki-moon said the global financial crisis was the trigger, adding: What you are seeing all around the world, starting from Wall Street, people are showing their frustrations.<\/em> []<\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\t\u00bbThe protests may have coalesced around the Occupy movement’s suggested date of 15 October, but the wave of public anger did not, of course, begin in New York. Occupy Wall Street has acknowledged its debt to the Arab spring, and was inspired and partly organised in its earliest stages by the Canadian-based Adbusters campaign group. The Chilean and Israeli protests also predate the US campaign.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\t\u00bbSpain’s indignados, or outraged, claim some credit for inspiring the protest, having begun camping out in Madrid’s Puerta del Sol square in May, sparking similar long-term demonstrations around the country. With at least 200,000 people coming out on to the streets on Saturday, the Spanish movement proved that it was still alive after a summer break in which many thought it had gone quiet. Protesters continue to occupy the Hotel Madrid, which they broke into on Saturday, and a building in Barcelona.<\/em> []<\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\t\u00bbEach movement has<\/em> its own local flavour<\/em><\/strong>. The Israelis complained about housing, high cost of living and social justice. For Chile, education was the catalyst. In Greece, it was a backlash against austerity. For Filipinos, US imperialism was apparently the target. But there were unifying themes, too: tents, social media, the human microphone where the crowds chant back phrases uttered by a speaker, and shaky jazz hands to indicate agreement.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\t\u00bbIn parts of the world where protest movements are longer established, agendas are widening. Chilean protesters have moved on from education to target banks over interest rates, and to protest against GM crops and a proposed dam in remote Patagonia. A general strike has been called for this Wednesday and Thursday.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\t\u00bbThe Israeli protests have incorporated demands ranging from lower food prices and affordable child care, to higher welfare benefits and curbs on the concentration of economic wealth and power in the hands of a few corporations. Exasperation with the state of capitalism and corporate greed was manifest at the weekend in cities around the world. The protest is continuing, though it is changing in its methods and targets, said Israeli activist Yuli Khromchenco. We are moving to other spheres. Part of this is about our internal organisation, creating small teams and small events around particular issues such as education we need to build structure, develop methods of direct action and for people to gather their strength.<\/em> []<\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\t\u00bbThere are even some signs of cross-fertilisation. Vallejo, perhaps the most charismatic leader of a still largely leaderless movement in Chile, popped up at the march in Paris this weekend<\/em>\u00bb<\/p>\n

La City<\/em> occup\u00e9e<\/h3>\n<\/p>\n

\tApr\u00e8s ce long panorama d’un r\u00e9el int\u00e9r\u00eat, nous nous attachons \u00e0 un cas particulier. Il s’agit de la situation \u00e0 Londres o\u00f9 les indign\u00e9s locaux ont mis en place une occupation symbolique de la City<\/em>. Peu importe le nombre impliqu\u00e9, l’efficacit\u00e9 du dispositif, etc. Il s’agit d’abord de la symbolique.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\tDans ce cas, on peut mentionner des r\u00e9actions int\u00e9ressantes de la City<\/em> (t\u00e9moignages, commentaires, etc.). Contrairement \u00e0 la situation g\u00e9n\u00e9rale \u00e0 Wall Street, les r\u00e9actions sont plut\u00f4t nuanc\u00e9es, ou bien d\u00e9fensives pour les id\u00e9ologues. Le point important est que l’initiative d’Occupy the City<\/em> n’a pas \u00e9t\u00e9 accueillie par l’indiff\u00e9rence, ou la d\u00e9rision, ou l’hostilit\u00e9 abrupte. On peut ainsi distinguer diff\u00e9rentes r\u00e9actions venues des rangs de la City<\/em> ou de commentateurs proches de la City<\/em>, qui montrent surtout combien le capitalisme, dans ce qu’il a de plus extr\u00eame et de plus absolu (la finance) se trouve lui-m\u00eame en plein d\u00e9sarroi.<\/p>\n

Financiers et Occupants discutent<\/h3>\n<\/p>\n

\tLes reportages sur les r\u00e9actions des gens de la City<\/em> ont montr\u00e9 une ambivalence remarquable. Certains proclament les vertus du capitalisme et reprochent aux protestataires de n’y pas croire assez ; d’autres observent que ces m\u00eames protestataires sont largement justifi\u00e9s et ont beaucoup de raisons de d\u00e9velopper l’attitude qu’ils ont. (Dans The Independent<\/em>, du 18 octobre 2011<\/a>.)<\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\t\u00abThere’s a lot of protest, but there doesn’t seem to be much of a solution, he said. What are we going to do, barter cows and donkeys again? They say capitalism is bad: okay, what do they want to do about it? Thomas Luccin, a banker, added: Capitalism makes the world go around, to be honest. Look what happened with communism. There’s always going to be greed in the world. Mr Clapp said he had enjoyed a brief discussion with one of the demonstrators, but that neither had understood the other’s argument. They don’t seem to appreciate that the City of London is an enormous driver of revenue for the Government, he said.<\/em> []<\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\t\u00bbBut not all the men in suits disagreed with the occupation. Surrounded by an appreciative crowd, chartered accountant Tim Sanders cut an incongruous figure as he railed against the financial gambling houses which have bankrupted the world. I want to show it’s not the non-suits against the suits, he said, decrying an economic system that had produced a lost g\u00e9n\u00e9ration’. There’s a lot of well-educated people here, he said, gesturing at the protesters. You get a great education, and then you’re chucked on the dung heap. Lawyer Justin Hudson said he supported the protesters, before adding: I did wonder if I shouldn’t have worn my suit out, but there doesn’t seem to be any hostility<\/em>\u00bb<\/p>\n

Le d\u00e9go\u00fbt du capitalisme pour lui-m\u00eame<\/h3>\n<\/p>\n

\tUn bon exemple d’un commentaire compl\u00e8tement ambivalent, d’un homme sp\u00e9cialis\u00e9 dans les questions du capitalisme et de la finance, est celui de l’auteur James Harkin. Dans cet article du 18 octobre 2011<\/a>, on observe qu’Harkin n’a finalement pas plus \u00e0 reprocher aux indign\u00e9s londoniens qu’au capitalisme lui-m\u00eame, dont le travers principal serait, selon Harkin, une sorte de d\u00e9go\u00fbt pour lui-m\u00eame. <\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\t\u00abAny protest is better than nothing, but if there’s one thing that’s shocking about these demonstrations, it’s how weak and inarticulate they were. Fine to speak up against greedy bankers, but without any other political arguments who needs arguments when you have Facebook? it rather seems like you’re damning the millions who lived off their loans in the first place. And why would they want to do that?<\/em> []<\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\t\u00bbAs the fog of mainstream economics clears, it turns out that the growth miracle of the past few decades has been built less on new technology but on asking ordinary people to work harder and longer, and then take on part-time work to make ends meet. If the annual income of the median American household had continued to grow at its post-war rate, for example, it would now be over $90,000. But sometime in the last few decades it got stuck at a paltry $54,061. With real wages stagnant, ordinary people on both sides of the Atlantic are now being asked to tighten their belts even further at a time when there’s little work to go around.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\t\u00bbIf anything, it’s shocking how little anger there is on the streets. But maybe that’s understandable, given the tenor of the protests. It’s lovely to imagine a world without greed, but no one ever built a movement without appealing to the real interests of ordinary people…<\/em> [] The banks were only the beginning of it. Unless these new anti-capitalists find a way to hitch their demands to the interests of the rest of the population the 99 per cent they claim to speak for they’re stuck in<\/em> a self-righteous bubble<\/em><\/strong>. And until they do so, their tirades against greed reek of the worst kind of Victorian self-righteous puritanism. It used to be that workers occupied factories, but now these sons and daughters of the bourgeoisie have seen fit to occupy the space outside a church. If there’s a spectre haunting capitalism today, it’s nothing more than<\/em> its own self-loathing.<\/em><\/strong>\u00bb<\/p>\n

Occupy Wall Street<\/em> f\u00eate son premier mois<\/h3>\n<\/p>\n

\tUn autre point de la situation se trouve \u00e0 Wall Street m\u00eame, bien entendu, l\u00e0 o\u00f9 campe Occupy Wall Street<\/em>. La journ\u00e9e du 15 octobre y a \u00e9t\u00e9 ressentie comme une sorte de l\u00e9gitimation du mouvement et s’est trouv\u00e9e prolong\u00e9e, sur place, par des manifestations importantes, avec des r\u00e9actions violentes de la police (NYPD). Les deux choses ont leur importance.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\tLa premi\u00e8re concerne simplement l’implantation d’OWS au cur de New York, dans le Zuccotti Park (ou Liberty Park<\/em>, tel qu’il est rebaptis\u00e9), aux portes de Wall Street. L’implantation devient une sorte de camp de base o\u00f9 OWS semble devoir prendre ses quartiers d’hiver dans une sorte d’occupation permanente. Hier, 17 octobre, le premier mois d’occupation pouvait \u00eatre c\u00e9l\u00e9br\u00e9.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\tLa pr\u00e9sence polici\u00e8re est \u00e9norme, consid\u00e9rable, omnipr\u00e9sente, et constitue une sorte de deuxi\u00e8me ph\u00e9nom\u00e8ne dupliquant le premier, une sorte d’ombre pesante d’OWS suivant OWS partout o\u00f9 il va, vers tous les points o\u00f9 il lance des raids, selon Tom Engelhardt qui consacre un texte \u00e0 cette situation<\/p>\n

Les deux mondes de Wall Street<\/h3>\n<\/p>\n

\tEffectivement, le 17 octobre 2011<\/a>, sur CommonDreams.org<\/em>, Tom Enhelhardt pr\u00e9sente cette \u00e9trange Wall Street’s Second Occupation<\/em>, celle de la police<\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\t\u00abThese last weeks, there have been two occupations in lower Manhattan, one of which has been getting almost all the coverage that of the demonstrators camping out in Zuccotti Park. The other, in the shadows, has been hardly less massive, sustained, or in its own way impressive — the police occupation of the Wall Street area. This massive semi-militarized force we continue to call the police will, in the coming years, only grow more so. After all, they know but one way to operate.<\/em> []<\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\t\u00bbAt one level, this is all mystifying. The daily crowds in the park remain remarkably, even startlingly, peaceable. (Any violence has generally been the product of police action.) On an everyday basis, a squad of 10 or 15 friendly police officers could easily handle the situation. There is, of course, another possibility suggested to me by one of the policemen loitering at the Park’s edge doing nothing in particular: Maybe they’re peaceable because we’re here. And here’s a second possibility: as my friend Steve Fraser, author of Wall Street: America’s Dream Palace, said to me, This is the most important piece of real estate on the planet and they’re scared. Look how amazed we are. Imagine how they feel, especially after so many decades of seeing nothing like it.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\t\u00bbAnd then there’s a third possibility: that two quite separate universes are simply located in the vicinity of each other and of what, since September 12, 2001, we’ve been calling Ground Zero. Think of it as Ground Zero Doubled, or think of it as the militarized recent American past and the unknown, potentially inspiring American future occupying something like the same space. (You can, of course, come up with your own pairings, some far less optimistic.) In their present state, New York’s finest represent a local version of the way this country has been militarized to its bones in these last years and, since 9\/11, transformed into a full-scale surveillance-intelligence-homeland-security state<\/em>. []<\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\t\u00bbThough much of the time they are just a few feet apart, the armed state backing that famed 1%, or Wall Street, and the unarmed protesters claiming the other 99% might as well be<\/em> in two different times in two different universes<\/em><\/strong> connected by a Star-Trekkian wormhole and meeting only where pepper spray hits eyes<\/em>\u00bb<\/p>\n

Trois situations nouvelles<\/h3>\n<\/p>\n

\tBien entendu, si nous avons choisi ces divers textes, c’est que nous pensions qu’ils r\u00e9sument ou pr\u00e9sentent bien les diff\u00e9rents enseignements et mises en \u00e9vidence int\u00e9ressantes de cette journ\u00e9e de protestation globale du 15 octobre 2011 \u00e0 partir de l’\u00e9tape essentielle d’Occupy Wall Street<\/em>. Ce qui nous int\u00e9resse ici, ce sont moins les \u00e9v\u00e9nements nombreux, confus et disparates, les manuvres, les interpr\u00e9tations partisanes ou dissimul\u00e9es, que les grandes lignes de force<\/strong> qui nous semblent se d\u00e9gager.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\tNous en distinguons trois, qui reprendront, par ordre d’importance croissant du point de vue des situations, de la situation tactique pure \u00e0 la situation psychologique nouvelle qui appara\u00eet, \u00e0 la situation globale qui s’installe, avec la psychologie \u00e0 mesure, les trois \u00e9l\u00e9ments illustr\u00e9s par les textes choisis et d\u00e9velopp\u00e9s ci-dessus, eux, en ordre d\u00e9croissant. Ainsi se trouvent rencontr\u00e9s les encha\u00eenements des situations, dans l’\u00e9volution g\u00e9n\u00e9rale de leur g\u00e9ographie, autant que dans leurs caract\u00e9ristiques relatives les unes aux autres.<\/p>\n

La r\u00e9pression enferm\u00e9e dans elle-m\u00eame<\/h3>\n<\/p>\n

\tLe premier enseignement concerne les r\u00e9actions des autorit\u00e9s face \u00e0 la contestation, telle qu’elle est illustr\u00e9e dans sa situation la plus extr\u00eame, \u00e0 Wall Street. Il s’agit, de ce point de vue, du texte d’Engelhardt, excellent par la finesse qu’il manifeste. <\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\tUne accusation g\u00e9n\u00e9rale qu’on retrouve chez les autorit\u00e9s et les serviteurs du Syst\u00e8me, est celle que les protestataires se trouvent enferm\u00e9s dans une bulle, notamment \u00e0 cause de leurs sp\u00e9cificit\u00e9s sociologiques, parfois \u00e0 cause de leurs revendications insaisissables. On a souvent vu que cette insaisissabilit\u00e9 nous para\u00eet, au contraire, \u00eatre une vertu consid\u00e9rable. Elle conduit l’adversaire (le monde capitaliste sp\u00e9cialis\u00e9, sinon le Syst\u00e8me) \u00e0 au moins reconna\u00eetre ses faiblesses, sinon ses vices sans r\u00e9mission, pour se replier sur l’argument de d\u00e9sespoir type-TINA, ou There Is No Alternative<\/em> (ce qui s’\u00e9nonce comme ceci : Ils ont raison \u00e0 propos des vices du capitalisme, mais que peut-on mettre \u00e0 la place ?)<\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\tMais encore plus, cette situation, cette extraordinaire passivit\u00e9 et confusion organis\u00e9e des Occupants (absence de revendications), conduisent les moyens habituels de r\u00e9pression \u00e0 se trouver eux-m\u00eames enferm\u00e9s dans leur masse, sans savoir vers o\u00f9 et comment intervenir. Il leur reste la violence gratuite, qui am\u00e8ne en g\u00e9n\u00e9ral le sentiment public \u00e0 se ranger du cot\u00e9 des Occupants. Ainsi Engelhardt a-t-il raison : la police (NYPD) se trouve dans sa bulle massive, disposant d’une impressionnante puissance qui s’av\u00e8re finalement rien moins qu’impuissante face \u00e0 une contestation conceptuellement insaisissable. Cela vaut toutes les manuvres de harc\u00e8lement d’une \u00e9meute de rue, en beaucoup mieux et plus efficace. NYPD figure finalement la force sans but ni perspective de r\u00e9duire les Occupants d’un pouvoir policier, position \u00e0 cause de laquelle les psychologies (y compris celles des policiers) se trouveront de plus en plus affaiblies.<\/p>\n

Le d\u00e9pression profonde du capitalisme face \u00e0 l’Occupation<\/h3>\n<\/p>\n

\tLe deuxi\u00e8me enseignement, au travers de r\u00e9actions anecdotiques, individuelles, etc., mais qui nourrissent un sentiment d’une force \u00e9tonnante pour orienter le jugement, c’est le malaise des techniciens et autres travailleurs et financiers du capitalisme, encore plus face \u00e0 eux-m\u00eames que face \u00e0 la contestation. On dirait que la contestation les r\u00e9v\u00e8le \u00e0 eux-m\u00eames, qu’elle leur r\u00e9v\u00e8le leur propre profond \u00e9tat d\u00e9pressif jusqu’alors dissimul\u00e9s par une phase hypomaniaque (comme dans une maniaco-d\u00e9pression, ou trouble bipolaire).<\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\tFace \u00e0 la contestation, \u00e0 c\u00f4t\u00e9 des positions de d\u00e9fi et de provocation (qu’on trouve surtout aux USA, mais de plus en plus \u00e9pisodiquement), il y a une \u00e9trange attitude qui se r\u00e9pand, qui est sorte de sentiment du mal-aim\u00e9. Face aux contestataires, les banquiers et assimil\u00e9s discutent, cherchent \u00e0 se faire comprendre, \u00e0 se faire aimer. Comme les forces de r\u00e9pression, enferm\u00e9es dans leur bulle sans savoir \u00e0 quoi elles servent, les serviteurs du capitalisme se d\u00e9couvrent eux-m\u00eames dans une bulle o\u00f9 r\u00e8gnent l’incertitude et la confusion sur leur propre r\u00f4le, leur propre justification. La contestation qui s’est lev\u00e9e, qui s’est concentr\u00e9e sur la mise en cause du cur du Syst\u00e8me, est loin de s’\u00eatre heurt\u00e9e \u00e0 un mur imp\u00e9n\u00e9trable (Wall Street) ; au contraire, nombre de fissures, de craquellements et de craquements.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\tM\u00eame sur la dimension de la mise en cause du public, le capitalisme se divise dans la confusion du jugement Qui a raison ? Le commentateur qui juge les protestations \u00e9tonnamment d\u00e9risoires et b\u00e9nignes (\u00abIf anything, it’s shocking how little anger there is on the streets<\/em>\u00bb), ou le financier allant \u00e0 la City<\/em>, qui jure que tout le monde se r\u00e9volte mais que personne n’apporte de solution (\u00abThere’s a lot of protest, but there doesn’t seem to be much of a solution<\/em>\u00bb). Le moins qu’on puisse dire est que les assi\u00e9g\u00e9s-capitalistes, qui reprochent aux protestataires de rester dans leur bulle et qui reconnaissent que ces m\u00eames protestataires ont raison de protester, se trouvent eux-m\u00eames dans une immense bulle d’incertitude, de contradictions et de doute \u00e0 propos d’eux-m\u00eames.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\t \u00abIf there’s a spectre haunting capitalism today, it’s nothing more than<\/em> its own self-loathing<\/em><\/strong>\u00bb, comme l’\u00e9crit Harkin. Le rien de plus (nothing more<\/em>) nous semble un peu l\u00e9ger, nous aurions plut\u00f4t \u00e9crit nothing else<\/em>, pour rien d’autre. Il s’agit bien d’une mise \u00e0 nu, gr\u00e2ce aux Occupants, de la crise profonde, int\u00e9rieure, qui va jusqu’au cur de sa psychologie, du capitalisme dans le cur de lui-m\u00eame <\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\tDerni\u00e8re observation sur ce point : Ce d\u00e9go\u00fbt pour soi-m\u00eame du capitalisme ressemble bien \u00e0 un facteur de la dynamique d’autodestruction.<\/p>\n

Une globalisation \u00e0 l’envers<\/h3>\n<\/p>\n

\tLe troisi\u00e8me point qui nous para\u00eet devoir \u00eatre mis en \u00e9vidence comme cons\u00e9quence de cette journ\u00e9e du 15 octobre concerne la globalisation ; car ainsi fut v\u00e9cu ce mouvement, comme une affirmation de son caract\u00e8re globalis\u00e9 \u00e0 partir de Occupy New York<\/em>, ce qui semblait ironiquement retrouver le sch\u00e9ma fondamental du capitalisme (globalisation \u00e0 partir de la base am\u00e9ricaniste). Effectivement, comme on le lit ici et l\u00e0, il y eut des \u00e9changes, des transferts, une coordination intensive, etc.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\tCe qui est remarquable, par contre, c’est l’usage et la forme de cette globalisation. Elle n’est nullement instrument\u00e9e comme un pourquoi mais comment un comment ; nullement comme un but mais comme un moyen. Chaque mouvement a ses propres pr\u00e9occupations, ses propres tactiques et intentions \u00abEach movement has<\/em> its own local flavour<\/em><\/strong>\u00bb La globalisation est celle des outils (technologies, r\u00e9seaux sociaux, syst\u00e8me de la communication), nullement des objectifs politiques implicites et non exprim\u00e9es (selon la tactique souvent d\u00e9crite), s’il y en a. (\u00abBut there were<\/em> unifying themes<\/em><\/strong>, too: tents, social media, the human microphone where the crowds chant back phrases uttered by a speaker, and shaky jazz hands to indicate agreement<\/em>\u00bb : en fait de th\u00e8mes unificateurs, il s’agit de moyens communs et rien d’autre) <\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\tC’est le point essentiel<\/strong> : la globalisation dont tout le monde est t\u00e9moin est un outil d’efficacit\u00e9 par extension du domaine de l’action, n\u00e9cessairement appel\u00e9e par une globalisation initiale des pouvoirs politiques au service du Syst\u00e8me, et du Syst\u00e8me bien entendu. L’orientation du mouvement n’est ni vers une R\u00e9volution mondiale, ni vers une gouvernance mondiale alternative. Quelque hypoth\u00e8se qu’on puisse envisager sur d’\u00e9ventuelles intentions cach\u00e9es, quelque intention qu’ait l’un ou l’autre groupe d’Occupants, la v\u00e9rit\u00e9 du mouvement est jusqu’ici globalis\u00e9e dans la tactique mais elle est anti-globalisation sur le fond. L’enseignement est de taille.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n

<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Notes sur la journ\u00e9e Occupy World Streets Trois jours apr\u00e8s les manifestations globales du 15 octobre, dans l’encha\u00eenement de Occupy Wall Street comme point majeur de r\u00e9f\u00e9rence d’une cha\u00eene crisique inaugur\u00e9e en Tunisie en d\u00e9cembre 2010, d\u00e9j\u00e0 annonc\u00e9e avec les premi\u00e8res manifestations d’indign\u00e9s europ\u00e9ens comme signes d’avant-garde inspirateurs, on peut tirer quelques enseignements int\u00e9ressants sur… <\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"","ping_status":"","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"neve_meta_sidebar":"","neve_meta_container":"","neve_meta_enable_content_width":"","neve_meta_content_width":0,"neve_meta_title_alignment":"","neve_meta_author_avatar":"","neve_post_elements_order":"","neve_meta_disable_header":"","neve_meta_disable_footer":"","neve_meta_disable_title":"","_jetpack_memberships_contains_paid_content":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[3],"tags":[3759,4363,10859,5513,8294,11460,2631,3083,5734,1381,11360,2680,11493,3178,3372,11131,3132],"class_list":["post-74156","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-analyse","tag-arabes","tag-capitalisme","tag-chaine","tag-city","tag-crisique","tag-dautodestruction","tag-de","tag-depression","tag-dynamique","tag-engelhardt","tag-indignes","tag-londres","tag-occupy","tag-printemps","tag-street","tag-surpuissance","tag-wall"],"jetpack_featured_media_url":"","jetpack_sharing_enabled":true,"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/74156","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=74156"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/74156\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=74156"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=74156"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=74156"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}

\tLe contraste est complet avec les ann\u00e9es 1960 (mouvement \u00e9tudiants, hippies<\/em>, anti-guerre du Vietnam), auxquelles le mouvement actuel est souvent rapproch\u00e9. Non seulement les conditions g\u00e9n\u00e9rales sont \u00e9videmment compl\u00e8tement diff\u00e9rentes, mais il n’y a aucun but politique sp\u00e9cifique commun, comme une sorte de R\u00e9volution mondiale dont on parlait dans les ann\u00e9es 1960 ; tout juste peut-on parler d’un but destructeur sp\u00e9cifique, implicite ou explicite, traduit par l’expression<\/a> Fuck the System<\/em>.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n