\tEn juillet dernier (voir le 26 juillet 2013<\/a>), le Repr\u00e9sentant (d\u00e9put\u00e9) r\u00e9publicain du Michigan, Justin Amash, 33 ans, avait r\u00e9ussi un coup d’\u00e9clat : rameuter par surprise 205 d\u00e9put\u00e9s r\u00e9publicains et d\u00e9mocrates contre la NSA, la majorit\u00e9 \u00e0 12 voix pr\u00e8s … Un coup d’\u00e9clat et un coup de tonnerre. Tim Murphy, dans Mother Jones<\/em> du 4 novembre 2013<\/a> nous annonce qu’il est sur le point de remettre \u00e7a.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n \t\u00ab….But with the most recent manufactured crisis in the rearview mirror (for now), the second-term libertarian has shifted his focus back to the issue that made him such an unlikely coalition builder. Amash joined 70 Republican and Democratic colleagues last week to introduce legislation designed to rein in the surveillance state. The bill’s sponsor? Wisconsin GOP Rep. Jim Sensenbrenner, the author of the PATRIOT Act, and as I reported in the September\/October issue of Mother Jones, one of the congressmen Amash had lobbied on reforming the National Security Agency. Amash, whose initial attempt to curb the agency’s powers fell just 12 votes short of passage last summer, may stand a better chance this time around: at least a half-dozen representatives who opposed the measure now say they’d vote differently. Even as he faces a primary challenge from a Republican businessman, Amash has continued to take a baseball bat to the GOP hornets’ nest on Twitter, where he recently dismissed House intelligence committee chairman Rep. Mike Rogers (R-Mich.) as an NSA publicist.<\/em>\u00bb<\/p>\n<\/p>\n \tIl est manifeste qu’il importe de s’instruire \u00e0 propos de Justin Amash, qui pr\u00e9sente diverses particularit\u00e9s dignes de la plus grande attention. R\u00e9publicain de tendance libertarienne, il pr\u00e9sente d’abord la singularit\u00e9 tr\u00e8s symbolique d’\u00eatre de confession chr\u00e9tienne orthodoxe, d’origine palestinienne par son p\u00e8re et d’origine syrienne par sa m\u00e8re, ce qui explique peut-\u00eatre sa position anti-interventionniste actuelle, et notamment hostile \u00e0 l’attaque contre la Syrie sans mandat du Congr\u00e8s (tout cela, apr\u00e8s une prime jeunesse o\u00f9 il fut sensible aux th\u00e8ses n\u00e9o-conservatrices qu’il abandonna rapidement, \u00abI was pretty young at the time<\/em>\u00bb) …<\/p>\n<\/p>\n \t\u00abThe son of immigrants, Amash was not politically active until his mid-20s. His Palestinian father lived in a refugee camp in the West Bank until 1956, when a church offered to sponsor his family’s emigration to the Midwest. Attalah Amash arrived with $17 in his pocket but thrived in western Michigan, where he married his wife, Mimi, a Syrian immigrant, and launched a successful hardware business. Justin, the middle of three brothers, attended the University of Michigan and then stuck around Ann Arbor to earn a law degree…<\/em> […] He wants it out of practically everything else too public education, central banking, industrial investment, and the Middle East. (Amash, the only member of Congress of Syrian heritage, loudly warned that any military action against Bashar al-Assad would be unconstitutional without congressional authorization. He also showed up at a classified briefing on Syria wearing a Darth Vader shirt.)…<\/em>\u00bb<\/p>\n<\/p>\n \tLa notori\u00e9t\u00e9 d’Amash a \u00e9clat\u00e9 avec la crise Snowden\/NSA. Il s’agit d’une de ses pr\u00e9occupations fondamentales, qui est l’attitude du gouvernement vis-\u00e0-vis de la population, la protection des droits civiques, etc., tout cela dans la tradition des libertariens de l’aile droite du parti r\u00e9publicain. Amash a d\u00e9ploy\u00e9 une exceptionnelle virtuosit\u00e9 du point de vue de la technique parlementaire dans l’organisation du vote-surprise du 24 juillet qui attira l’attention nationale, et m\u00eame internationale sur lui. En m\u00eame temps, son intervention appara\u00eet r\u00e9trospectivement comme un v\u00e9ritable coup d’\u00c9tat \u00e0 l’int\u00e9rieur du parti r\u00e9publicain, contre les caciques du parti et l’aile traditionnelle, interventionniste, neocon<\/em>, etc. (Il s’agit d’un v\u00e9ritable conflit de g\u00e9n\u00e9rations : \u00abIf you were a Republican who was in Congress for five years or less, you were likely to support my amendment, actually. We won the majority of those Republicans. If you were here for more than five years, you were overwhelmingly likely to vote against my amendment.<\/em>\u00bb) Cette position politique tr\u00e8s remarquable par rapport aux tendances du parti r\u00e9publicain traditionnel se renforce du fait qu’Amash est particuli\u00e8rement efficace dans l’\u00e9tablissement de liens avec l’aile progressiste populiste du parti d\u00e9mocrate (ce qui a \u00e9t\u00e9 le cas lors du vote du 24 juillet), qui a elle aussi des d\u00e9saccords avec les caciques de son propre parti … Le conflit de g\u00e9n\u00e9rations, qui porte finalement sur une interrogation fondamentale autour de la politique g\u00e9n\u00e9rale des USA, touche tout le monde politique washingtonien.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n \t\u00abAmash began his second term with the aim of reining in the surveillance state. Spurred by the Justice Department’s seizure of Associated Press phone records, he introduced legislation to stop the executive branch from collecting data from telecom companies without a warrant. Amash had been building a base of support with monthly meetings of his Liberty Caucus. As the gatherings shifted from fiscal issues to civil liberties, they were sometimes joined by Democrats.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n \t\u00bbWhen ex-intelligence-contractor Edward Snowden began exposing the NSA’s massive surveillance programs through leaks to the Guardian and the Washington Post last June, Amash shifted into high gear. He teamed up with Rep. John Conyers, a liberal Michigan Democrat and a longtime skeptic of government power, to restrict the NSA’s operations. Amash’s amendment would have narrowed the scope of data collection to only individuals under investigation. (In a separate measure, Amash also sought to make the classified opinions of the FISA court that oversees NSA requests available to all members of Congress, not just those on the House Intelligence Committee.)<\/em> […]<\/p>\n<\/p>\n \t\u00bbAs Conyers and Polis worked their Democratic colleagues, Amash and his staff put together a spreadsheet of GOP members they’d have a chance of swaying; he spent the next couple of days personally lobbying more than three dozen of his conservative colleagues, including Rep. Jim Sensenbrenner (R-Wis.), who had written the statute being used to justify the NSA’s activities and was stunned at what it had become.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n \t\u00bbAmash worked both the procedural and theatrical sides of the battle: While his aides wrangled with House staff to craft language that couldn’t be tossed out on a technicality, he used social media to threaten an ugly intraparty fight. By the time he finally cornered Boehner on the House floor to make his case for a vote, he’d cobbled together a large enough cohortas many as 250 backers by his own whip countthat Boehner risked an open insurrection if he buried the measure. When Boehner caved, the White House intervened against itthe first time in eight years, Amash says, that an administration had weighed in on an amendment to a House bill. Civil liberties advocates hailed the effort as a breakthrough. One of the major upshots of the Justin Amash story is that standing by principles can work politically, says Jim Harper, the director of information policy studies at the Cato Institute, a libertarian think tank. Conservatives traditionally do not object to broad government surveillance, Harper points outbut Amash had forced the issue.<\/em>\u00bb<\/p>\n<\/p>\n \tSa position au sein du parti, \u00e0 la suite de ce coup d’\u00e9clat et dans la position nouvelle qu’il tient aujourd’hui, fait de lui un successeur naturel de Ron Paul \u00e0 la Chambre mais avec une base parlementaire cons\u00e9quente au contraire de Ron Paul-le solitaire. Amash est \u00e9videmment de la m\u00eame \u00e9cole de pens\u00e9e que Ron Paul et a \u00e9t\u00e9 influenc\u00e9 par lui, quoiqu’il se situe moins \u00e0 droite sur certaines questions sociales et autres, et ainsi beaucoup mieux plac\u00e9 pour organiser des coalitions avec les progressistes populistes du parti d\u00e9mocrate, cela repr\u00e9sentant la formule antiSyst\u00e8me naturelle qui se d\u00e9veloppe \u00e0 l’int\u00e9rieur du syst\u00e8me de l’am\u00e9ricanisme. Les commentateurs font de Amash un concurrent de Rand Paul pour diriger ce nouveau mouvement de r\u00e9volte anti-establishment<\/em>, et avec plus d’atout que Rand Paul. On commence \u00e0 voir, lors de r\u00e9union qu’il donne, des bus ou des camions avec des affiches Paul-Amash 2016. Un t\u00e9moignage recueilli par Tim Murphy r\u00e9sume la seule limitation aux esp\u00e9rances pr\u00e9sidentielles imm\u00e9diates d’Amash, qui est paradoxalement la m\u00eame que Ron Paul, mais invers\u00e9e … (\u00abJustin’s tops… There is just one problem : he’s still too young to be president.<\/em>\u00bb)<\/p>\n<\/p>\n \t\u00bbWhen it comes to influencing policy debate, Amash may yet eclipse Paul the Younger, who scored points with some trolling of his own on the issue of drones but has been hampered by the same kind of conspiratorial whispering and racist associations that tarnished his father’s career. Rand’s first campaign spokesman was a KKK-sympathizing singer in a satanic metal band; one of his Senate aides held an annual party to drink to John Wilkes Booth. Then there was his stated disapproval of the Civil Rights Act, and his incessant fretting about the president’s nonexistent plans for national gun confiscation. Amash has taken what civil libertarians of all stripes appreciated about Paul’s father, while largely leaving behind the baggage. With Rand Paul sometimes it’s a clown showhis stuff isn’t serious, observes Wheeler. I think Amash increasingly has the press pull of the Pauls, but he’s actually working more closely with the civil liberties community in DC, and I think they trust him to be able to work on these issues.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n \t\u00bbOne notable exception to Amash’s leave-me-alone ethos: He believes fetuses are protected by the 14th Amendment and supports banning all abortions. And while Amash was an outspoken critic of the Defense of Marriage Act, arguing that such issues should be left up to the states, as a member of the Greek Orthodox Church he’s personally opposed to same-sex marriage. When I ask him in Arlington if he’d support a lawsuit from a lesbian couple challenging Michigan’s prohibition on gay marriage, he hesitates. I don’t know enough about the particular case, he says. But my position has stood since the beginning of time: I don’t think government should be defining marriage.<\/em>\u00bb<\/p>\n<\/p>\n \tMother Jones<\/em> n’est pas sp\u00e9cialement une publication de droite, ou m\u00eame libertarienne. Il s’agit certes d’une publication qu’on peut qualifier d’antiSyst\u00e8me, mais appartenant \u00e0 l’aile progressiste dissidente de la gauche du parti d\u00e9mocrate. Ce portrait somme toute extr\u00eamement flatteur de Justin Amash dans une telle publication montre bien que le personnage repr\u00e9sente l’arch\u00e9type de la personnalit\u00e9 qui pourrait r\u00e9unir fermement les deux courants extr\u00eames pouvant constituer une coalition antiSyst\u00e8me structurelle \u00e0 la Chambre des Repr\u00e9sentants, capable de secouer durement sinon irr\u00e9sistiblement Washington. L’\u00e9v\u00e9nement serait consid\u00e9rable, avec en plus ce symbolisme somme toute \u00e9trange ou r\u00e9v\u00e9lateur c’est selon, de voir un tel ph\u00e9nom\u00e8ne politique suscit\u00e9 par l’action d’un parlementaire d’origine syrienne \u00e0 un moment o\u00f9 la crise syrienne a pes\u00e9 si fortement sur la vie washingtonienne, et a contribu\u00e9 d’une fa\u00e7on importante \u00e0 confirmer une \u00e9volution peut-\u00eatre r\u00e9volutionnaire de la situation.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n \tAmash se place donc au sein de cette nouvelle g\u00e9n\u00e9ration, que ses adversaires voudraient enfermer en une sorte de ghetto nomm\u00e9 Tea Party<\/em> mais qui s’av\u00e8re beaucoup plus large dans ses perspectives et dans son activisme. Il est par cons\u00e9quent remarquable de constater que de telles personnalit\u00e9s et de tels mouvements peuvent se d\u00e9velopper \u00e0 Washington, et conqu\u00e9rir des positions qui les placent presque en position d’investir le pouvoir. C’est une \u00e9volution qu’on aurait estim\u00e9e impossible il y encore cinq ans, quand ce qu’on nommait le parti unique (les r\u00e9publicains traditionnels et les d\u00e9mocrates traditionnels) d\u00e9tenait toutes les clefs du pouvoir \u00e0 Washington, et opposait un barrage imperm\u00e9able \u00e0 toute tentative de r\u00e9forme. Les digues ont c\u00e9d\u00e9 avec les \u00e9lections l\u00e9gislatives (mid-term<\/em>) de novembre 2010, qu’on croyait \u00eatre un ph\u00e9nom\u00e8ne sp\u00e9cifique et circonscrit (le ph\u00e9nom\u00e8ne Tea Party<\/em>) et qui a depuis essaim\u00e9 en un mouvement beaucoup plus large, bousculant les pare-feu id\u00e9ologiques qui avaient \u00e9t\u00e9 dress\u00e9s par le parti unique. On croyait au d\u00e9part que Tea Party<\/em> entrant dans l’ar\u00e8ne washingtonienne, serait phagocyt\u00e9 par elle ; mais Tea Party<\/em> s’est r\u00e9v\u00e9l\u00e9 \u00eatre bien plus que Tea Party<\/em> et c’est aujourd’hui la d\u00e9route dans l’ar\u00e8ne washingtonienne. Bien entendu et dans la logique d’une situation qui appelle \u00e0 cette sorte de bouleversement, les \u00e9v\u00e9nements ont particuli\u00e8rement servi et aliment\u00e9 cette dynamique, notamment la crise Snowden\/NSA dans le cas d’Amash.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n \tIl va de soi que cette m\u00eame dynamique a un sens profond et ne s’explique que par ce sens profond, qui lui donne toute sa puissance et sa capacit\u00e9 d’entra\u00eener de plus en plus de parlementaires avec elle. Elle correspond \u00e0 l’irr\u00e9sistible dissolution du pouvoir washingtonien, c’est-\u00e0-dire le pouvoir de la direction politique traditionnelle (le parti unique) toute enti\u00e8re acquise au Syst\u00e8me, et s’inscrit par cons\u00e9quent dans le dynamique g\u00e9n\u00e9rale d’autodestruction du Syst\u00e8me. La logique d’un flux politique d’une puissance extr\u00eame est \u00e0 l’uvre, qui profite des travaux d’approche d’un Ron Paul, et qui s’av\u00e8re irr\u00e9sistible face \u00e0 une politique traditionnelle embourb\u00e9e dans la paralysie et la d\u00e9b\u00e2cle douce qui caract\u00e9risent aujourd’hui les actes du syst\u00e8me de l’am\u00e9ricanisme, \u00e0 l’ext\u00e9rieur comme \u00e0 l’int\u00e9rieur. Le plus remarquable est que ce flux politique soit n\u00e9 en tant que force organis\u00e9e au cur du syst\u00e8me de l’am\u00e9ricanisme, le plus fascinant est de savoir ce que ce flux politique va faire du syst\u00e8me de l’am\u00e9ricanisme.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n <\/p>\n \tMis en ligne le 5 novembre 2013 \u00e0 12H23<\/p><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" Le Syrien du Congr\u00e8s En juillet dernier (voir le 26 juillet 2013), le Repr\u00e9sentant (d\u00e9put\u00e9) r\u00e9publicain du Michigan, Justin Amash, 33 ans, avait r\u00e9ussi un coup d’\u00e9clat : rameuter par surprise 205 d\u00e9put\u00e9s r\u00e9publicains et d\u00e9mocrates contre la NSA, la majorit\u00e9 \u00e0 12 voix pr\u00e8s … Un coup d’\u00e9clat et un coup de tonnerre. Tim… <\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"","ping_status":"","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"neve_meta_sidebar":"","neve_meta_container":"","neve_meta_enable_content_width":"","neve_meta_content_width":0,"neve_meta_title_alignment":"","neve_meta_author_avatar":"","neve_post_elements_order":"","neve_meta_disable_header":"","neve_meta_disable_footer":"","neve_meta_disable_title":"","_jetpack_memberships_contains_paid_content":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[2],"tags":[12312,4646,3961,6985,15385,3871,7069,3140,7348,2895,3686,3310,12224,3867,8256],"class_list":["post-75289","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-bloc-notes","tag-amash","tag-antisysteme","tag-john","tag-libertarien","tag-mother","tag-nsa","tag-party","tag-paul","tag-progressiste","tag-rand","tag-republicain","tag-ron","tag-snowden","tag-syrie","tag-tea"],"jetpack_featured_media_url":"","jetpack_sharing_enabled":true,"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/75289","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=75289"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/75289\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=75289"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=75289"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=75289"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}