\tCommen\u00e7ons par ce qui n’est pas d’actualit\u00e9. Il s’agit d’un article du professeur James Petras, Bartle Professor (Emeritus)<\/em> de sociologie \u00e0 l’universit\u00e9 de Birmingham dans l’\u00c9tat de New York, USA, le 12 novembre 2014<\/a> sur le site 4thMedia.org<\/em>. Il s’agit d’une analyse de l’\u00e9volution de la Russie depuis la chute du Mur et la fin de l’URSS, pour aboutir aux possibilit\u00e9s de l’actuelle Russie de Poutine de s’adapter de fa\u00e7on constructive, voire offensive (ou contre-offensive) aux conditions cr\u00e9\u00e9es par les sanctions \u00e9conomiques. Petras est de l’avis de Yevgeny Primakov (qui n’est pourtant pas un conservateur poutinien), dite sur Itar-Tass le 27 octobre 2014<\/a>, qui confirme la version de l’agression du bloc BAO au travers de sa politique des sanctions per\u00e7ue comme un acte de guerre (\u00abThe aim of anti-Russian economic sanctions is to weaken Russia, corner us, put into practice the idea of a color revolution in our country<\/em>\u00bb)<\/p>\n<\/p>\n \tPetras d\u00e9veloppe une analyse extr\u00eamement stricte, qui prend en compte tous les \u00e9v\u00e9nements de l’\u00e8re eltsinienne, l’intervention du capitalisme sauvage international sous coordination am\u00e9ricaniste, l’effondrement des conditions \u00e9conomiques et sociales, etc. Il reconna\u00eet \u00e0 Poutine une tr\u00e8s grande r\u00e9ussite dans son entreprise de rel\u00e8vement du pays mais juge que la m\u00e9thode employ\u00e9e a comport\u00e9 plusieurs points de faiblesse qui rendent aujourd’hui la Russie vuln\u00e9rable aux sanctions. L’illustration de la faiblesse principale de la m\u00e9thode poutinienne a \u00e9t\u00e9 son comportement vis-\u00e0-vis des oligarques qui avaient amass\u00e9 leur fortune durant les ann\u00e9es 1990. Poutine a attaqu\u00e9 les politiques (ceux qui ont fait de l’activisme globalisant et consid\u00e9r\u00e9 comme antirusse, et antipoutinien, \u00e0 partir de leurs fortunes), les \u00e9liminant souvent en les for\u00e7ant \u00e0 \u00e9migrer, mais il n’a gu\u00e8re pris de mesures contre les oligarques \u00e9conomiques, ceux qui n’avaient pas de projet politique et se sont rang\u00e9s du c\u00f4t\u00e9 du pouvoir poutinien. Aujourd’hui, ces oligarques \u00e9conomiques sont en difficult\u00e9s ou deviennent suspects du point de vue politique, parce que l’essentiel de leurs fortunes est investie dans le bloc BAO. Finalement, la m\u00e9thode poutinienne n’a pas \u00e9t\u00e9 tr\u00e8s diff\u00e9rente pour l’\u00e9conomie russe elle-m\u00eame, et elle montre aujourd’hui sa faiblesse \u00e0 cause des liens de d\u00e9pendance \u00e9conomique \u00e9tablis avec le bloc BAO. Voici comment Petras conclut cette longue analyse de la situation russe face aux sanctions, ou comment s’en sortir…<\/p>\n<\/p>\n \t\u00bbFirst and foremost Russia must diversify its economy; it must industrialize its raw materials and invest heavily in substituting local production for Western imports. While shifting its trade to China is a positive step, it mustnot replicate the previous commodities (oil and gas) for manufactured goods trading pattern of the past.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n \t\u00bbSecondly, Russia must re-nationalize its banking, foreign trade and strategic industries, ending the dubious political and economic loyalties and rentier behavior of the current dysfunctional private capitalist’ class. The Putin Administration must shift from oligarchs to technocrats, from rentiers to entrepreneurs, from speculators who earn in Russia and invest in the West to workers co-participation in a word it must deepen the national,public, and productive character of the economy. It is not enough to claim that oligarchs who remain in Russia and declare loyalty to the Putin Administration are legitimate economic agents. They have generally disinvested from Russia, transferred their wealth abroad and have questioned legitimate state authority under pressure from Western sanctions.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n \t\u00bbRussia needs a new economic and political revolution in which the government recognizes the West as an imperial threat and in which it counts on the organized Russian working class and not on dubious oligarchs. The Putin Administration has pulled Russia from the abyss and has instilled dignity and self-respect among Russians at home and abroad by standing up to Western aggression in the Ukraine. From this point on, President Putin needs to move forward and dismantle the entire Yeltsin klepto-state and economy and re-industrialize, diversify and develop its own high technology for a diversified economy. And above all Russia needs to create new democratic, popular forms of democracy to sustain the transition to a secure, anti-imperialist and sovereign state.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n \t\u00bbPresident Putin has the backing of the vast majority of Russian people; he has the scientific and professional cadre; he has allies in China and among the BRICs; and he has the will and the power to do the right thing. The question remains whether Putin will succeed in this historical mission or whether, out of fear and indecision, he will capitulate before the threats of a dangerous and decaying West.<\/em>\u00bb<\/p>\n<\/p>\n