{"id":77089,"date":"2017-02-12T15:34:27","date_gmt":"2017-02-12T15:34:27","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/2017\/02\/12\/philosophie-de-lhyperdesordre-global\/"},"modified":"2017-02-12T15:34:27","modified_gmt":"2017-02-12T15:34:27","slug":"philosophie-de-lhyperdesordre-global","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/2017\/02\/12\/philosophie-de-lhyperdesordre-global\/","title":{"rendered":"Philosophie de l’hyperd\u00e9sordre global"},"content":{"rendered":"

Philosophie de l’hyperd\u00e9sordre global<\/h2>\n<\/p>\n

Commen\u00e7ons par de l’in\u00e9dit, bien dans la mani\u00e8re du pr\u00e9sident Trump. Depuis deux ou trois semaines flottait la pr\u00e9vision qu’Elliott Abrams allait occuper le poste-clef du d\u00e9partement, derri\u00e8re le Secr\u00e9taire d’État, d’adjoint au Secr\u00e9taire d’État ; il s’agit de la fonction qui permet d’op\u00e9rationnaliser toutes les grandes tendances politiques du d\u00e9partement, donc d’interf\u00e9rer directement entre le ministre lui-m\u00eame et l’apport de sa bureaucratie… Poste-clef, poste strat\u00e9gique, et Abrams, lui, accompagn\u00e9 d’une r\u00e9putation \u00e9pouvantable parmi les antiguerres. A quoi songeait Trump lorsqu’il a approuv\u00e9 cette possibilit\u00e9 de nomination ? Voici ce que Justin Raimondo disait d’Abrams il y a trois jours<\/a> :<\/p>\n<\/p>\n

« This possibility is less likely, however, if the more aggressive factions within the Trump administration have their way – and these elements will be strengthened and emboldened if Elliott Abrams<\/a> is appointed Deputy Secretary of State, as rumored<\/a>. Abrams is a hardcore neoconservative<\/a> with a long record<\/a> as a rabid warmonger – as well as a vicious anti-Trumper<\/a>, who attacked candidate Trump as lacking character and disdained him for his \u00ab\u00a0complete ignorance\u00a0\u00bb of foreign policy. Although he is not the only prospective appointee – longtime State Department official Paula Dobriansky<\/a>, who has served under five presidents, is also reportedly in the running – Abrams is being heavily promoted in the media, and is said to be favored by newly-confirmed Secretary of State Rex Tillerson.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/p>\n

» His appointment would turn the State Department into a neocon redoubt and signal that the Trump administration could very well be on its way to betraying candidate Trump’s pledge to seek out \u00ab\u00a0new voices\u00a0\u00bb in the foreign policy realm. Abrams, whose career started in the 1970s as an aide to Sen. Henry \u00ab\u00a0Scoop\u00a0\u00bb Jackson (D-Boeing), is the voice of the same neoconservative sect<\/a> that drove the Bush administration to rampage across the Middle East and bring about the biggest military-diplomatic disaster in our recent history<\/em>. »<\/p>\n<\/p>\n

Et puis hier, changement de programme, \u00e0 la grande joie \u00e0 peine d\u00e9guis\u00e9e du m\u00eame Raimondo <\/a>: Trump a \u00e9cart\u00e9 l’option-Abrams pour le d\u00e9partement d’État. Les causes de ce revirement sont diversement pr\u00e9sent\u00e9es et appr\u00e9ci\u00e9es, et m\u00eame ramen\u00e9es dans certains cas \u00e0 la susceptibilit\u00e9 esth\u00e9tique de Trump ; la premi\u00e8re source \u00e0 avoir donn\u00e9 l’information (CNN) fait d’Abrams un portrait bien plus nuanc\u00e9<\/a> que celui de Raimondo. Ainsi Abrams est-il remerci\u00e9, ou \u00ab\u00a0vir\u00e9\u00a0\u00bb, avant d’avoir commenc\u00e9 \u00e0 exercer quoi que ce soit et l’on serait aussit\u00f4t tent\u00e9 d’en tirer une le\u00e7on politique ; mais est-ce justifi\u00e9, et cet \u00e9pisode a-t-il quelque signification que ce soit dont l’on pourrait tirer quelque le\u00e7on que ce soit, ou bien ne s’agit-il que de d\u00e9sordre ?<\/strong><\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\n

Il est tr\u00e8s difficile de s’y retrouver dans cet imbroglio qu’est devenu la politique ext\u00e9rieure des USA. L’activisme de Trump ainsi que son int\u00e9r\u00eat pour certaines mati\u00e8res et son d\u00e9sint\u00e9r\u00eat pour d’autres ne feraient-ils pas simplement que mettre en \u00e9vidence le d\u00e9sordre latent existant sous l’administration Obama<\/strong>, et que seuls l’attentisme et la prudence extr\u00eame, ainsi que les th\u00e8ses de ce pr\u00e9sident d’une sorte d’exceptionnalisme paresseux des USA, tenaient dans un certain immobilisme ? En un sens, ce serait disons le \u00ab\u00a0d\u00e9sordre immobile\u00a0\u00bb d’Obama qui devrait \u00eatre reconnu, si l’Histoire est loyale, comme le legs le plus important que devrait nous laisser ce pr\u00e9sident<\/strong>.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n

Avec Trump, attentisme et prudence ne sont plus vraiment de mise. Ainsi d\u00e9couvrons-nous l’ampleur de l’hyperd\u00e9sordre qui devient dans certains cas et selon une vision particuli\u00e8rement disons volontariste une sorte de chaos-nouveau<\/a>, qui caract\u00e9rise d\u00e9sormais les relations internationales (et qui caract\u00e9riserait \u00e9galement le gouvernement de Donald Trump). On identifie notamment cette situation \u00e0 partir du constat de ce fait remarquable que l’on ne parvient plus \u00e0 fixer un centre pr\u00e9cis \u00e0 cette \u00ab\u00a0crise haute\u00a0\u00bb devenue \u00ab\u00a0tourbillon crisique\u00a0\u00bb, – comme auparavant, par exemple, la Syrie ou l’Ukraine<\/strong>… Tout est devenu d\u00e9sordre et substance crisique par cons\u00e9quent, et cette substance crisique en quoi se sont transformù\u00e9es les relations internationales se transcrit d\u00e9sormais en un d\u00e9sordre constant (hyperd\u00e9sordre)<\/strong> où aucun des paradigmes ni aucune des r\u00e9f\u00e9rences des anciennes \u00e9poques, – y compris parmi les \u00ab\u00a0anciennes\u00a0\u00bb, celle qui va jusqu’\u00e0 2014 et la crise ukrainienne, – ne peuvent plus \u00eatre \u00eatre identifi\u00e9s. Nous voguons sur une mer où les temp\u00eates se forment si brusquement et si fortement que la surface de l’eau n’est plus qu’\u00e9cume mais que les vagues n’ont plus le temps de se former<\/strong>.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n

L'\u00a0\u00bbavantage\u00a0\u00bb (?) est que cet hyperd\u00e9sordre ne peut plus \u00eatre dissimul\u00e9 en aucune fa\u00e7on parce que l’activisme de Trump ne le permet plus. Prendre les choses selon cette appr\u00e9ciation, c’est reconnaître d’une certaine fa\u00e7on que l’hyperd\u00e9sordre \u00e9tait devenu sous Obama un fait objectif de la situation internationale, auquel la venue de Trump n’a pas chang\u00e9 grand’chose, – sinon de le mettre en \u00e9vidence, simplement par l’effet de ses actions, par advertance en un sens. On comprend d’autant mieux cette possibilit\u00e9 hypoth\u00e9tique que la principale pr\u00e9occupation de Trump, et finalement ce pourquoi il a \u00e9t\u00e9 \u00e9lu, c’est la situation int\u00e9rieure des USA (America First<\/em>) ; Trump ne s’int\u00e9resse aux situations crisiques internationales qu’en fonction de leurs effets sur la situation int\u00e9rieure US (sur la crise int\u00e9rieure US), et nullement en fonction de leur sp\u00e9cificit\u00e9<\/strong>.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n

Ainsi est-il instructif de s’attacher \u00e0 la vision que nous donne de cette situation g\u00e9n\u00e9rale un commentateur tel que Wayne Madsen, parce qu’il a en g\u00e9n\u00e9ral l’habitude de nous exposer un probl\u00e8me en d\u00e9tails, souvent in\u00e9dits ou de son cru, et de trancher net par un avis ferme et circonstanci\u00e9, en d\u00e9signant un coupable et en applaudissant la partie qu’il juge digne d’\u00e9loge (souvent la partie que nous pourrions qualifier d’antiSyst\u00e8me). Cette fois, dans ce texte du 10 f\u00e9vrier sur Strategic-Culture.org<\/em> du 10 f\u00e9vrier<\/a>, justement Madsen ne tranche pas. Il se contente d’exposer la situation des relations internationales, ou de ce qu’il en reste sous forme de l’hyperd\u00e9sordre d’un colossal tourbillon crisique, et il ne cache nullement l’importance du r\u00f4le activiste et des contradictions sans nombre de l’administration Trump du c\u00f4t\u00e9 de laquelle il s’est en g\u00e9n\u00e9ral trouv\u00e9 durant ces derniers mois. Madsen ne cherche m\u00eame pas telle ou telle responsabilit\u00e9 plus ou moins cach\u00e9e, notamment venue d’adversaires de Trump.<\/strong> Non, il s’en tient au constat, simplement \u00e0 la mesure du d\u00e9sordre, dont il ne cherche m\u00eame pas \u00e0 d\u00e9terminer qui en porte la responsabilit\u00e9. Il d\u00e9crit cela comme une sorte de ph\u00e9nom\u00e8ne de l’in\u00e9luctabilit\u00e9 des temps pr\u00e9sents<\/strong>.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n

Ce qui lui importe, qui forme l’introduction et la conclusion, c’est d’observer que le Brexit<\/em> et l’\u00e9lection de Trump ont ouvert une p\u00e9riode de complet d\u00e9sordre, de total chaos<\/strong> (« L’administration Trump et la rupture des liens entre le Royaume-Uni et l’Europe du fait du Brexit ont, en l’espace d’un peu plus d’une demie ann\u00e9e, chang\u00e9 le monde de la p\u00e9riode du \u00ab\u00a0nouvel ordre mondial\u00a0\u00bb post-guerre froide fond\u00e9 sur la supr\u00e9matie am\u00e9ricaine, en un \u00ab\u00a0d\u00e9sordre\u00a0\u00bb global d’alliances meurtries r\u00e9parties dans une partie d’\u00e9checs globale et multipolaire<\/em>. »)… Et la seule perspective qui s’impose d’ores et d\u00e9j\u00e0 est l’impossibilit\u00e9 de revenir \u00e0 la situation ancienne<\/strong>, qui vient de se dissiper sous la force de ces coups de boutoir (« Voil\u00e0 donc le nouveau d\u00e9sordre mondial mais dans ce chaos, un retour \u00e0 un monde multipolaire et la fin du statut de \u00ab\u00a0la seule superpuissance US\u00a0\u00bb constitueront une b\u00e9n\u00e9diction sur le terme plus long. Pour le terme court, par contre, le chaos va plonger dans la confusion chaque ministre des affaires \u00e9trang\u00e8res et chaque bureaucratie de chaque institution internationale sur tous les continents.<\/em> »)<\/p>\n<\/p>\n

Nous ne pensons pas que cette p\u00e9riode a commenc\u00e9 avec les deux \u00e9v\u00e9nements que d\u00e9crit Madsen, mais plut\u00f4t avec la crise ukrainienne qui a plong\u00e9 le syst\u00e8me de la communication dans une crise d’une puissance ph\u00e9nom\u00e9nale \u00e0 cause de la n\u00e9cesssit\u00e9 impos\u00e9e par le Syst\u00e8me de d\u00e9velopper un simulacre d’hostilit\u00e9 extr\u00eame et fond\u00e9e par la vertu de notre politique \u00e0 l’encontre de la Russie, avec formation en r\u00e9action d’un contre-pouvoir (antiSyst\u00e8me) de la communication <\/strong>; et nous pensons que cette occurrence a permis au reste du d\u00e9sordre de se r\u00e9v\u00e9ler exactement, au Brexit<\/em> de se faire et \u00e0 Trump de se faire \u00e9lire<\/strong>. Mise \u00e0 part cette pr\u00e9cision chronologique, qui a pourtant une importance consid\u00e9rable en d\u00e9signant l’outil principal permettant la mise \u00e0 nu de cet hyperd\u00e9sordre, on estimera que l’analyse de Madsen rencontre notre point de vue qui est de ne plus chercher une culpabilit\u00e9 donn\u00e9e au niveau des activit\u00e9s humaines pour la situation actuelle, mais de reconnaître cette situation pour ce qu’elle est, – et en concluant, \u00ab\u00a0pour le reste, je ne sais pas, sinon qu’il est bon que l’ancienne situation disparaisse\u00a0\u00bb – ce qui revient effectivement \u00e0 d\u00e9signer le Monstre du doigt, – le Syst\u00e8me, autrement dit \u00ab\u00a0toi, le venin\u00a0\u00bb…<\/p>\n<\/p>\n

dedefensa.org<\/em><\/h4>\n<\/p>\n

________________________<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<\/p>\n

From New World Order to Hazy Global Disorder<\/h2>\n<\/p>\n

The Donald Trump administration and the Brexit severance of ties between the United Kingdom and the European Union have, in a matter of a little over a half year, changed the world from a post-Cold War \u00ab\u00a0new world order\u00a0\u00bb based on American supremacy to a global \u00ab\u00a0disorder\u00a0\u00bb of altered alliances on a multipolar geo-political chessboard. In many respects, the new global disorder has also placed in jeopardy various post-World War II contrivances, including NATO, the Organization of American States (OAS), and the Australia-New Zealand-United States (ANZUS) alliance.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n

Every international relations textbook and playbook can be thrown away with the advent of the new global disorder. Trump has kicked off his foreign policy by introducing an incoherent foreign policy. On one hand, Trump claims he wants to partner with Russia on the war against \u00ab\u00a0radical Islamic terrorism\u00a0\u00bb. Yet, Trump has also indicated, through his UN ambassador Nicky Haley and Defense Secretary James Mattis, that he is committed to NATO and wants Russia to withdraw from Crimea. It is well known that the annual National Football League’s Super Bowl coordinates its patriotic military-oriented events with the Pentagon. In recent past years, U.S. troops serving in places like Afghanistan and Iraq were featured during and after the game on the host stadium’s jumbotron television screens.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n

The 2017 Super Bowl in Houston was different. This year the live shot of U.S. troops with the 3rd Brigade Armored Brigade Combat Team, 4th Infantry Division, was from a military base in Zagan, Poland. The Pentagon’s psychological operations specialists wanted to convey the message that under Trump, the new U.S. front lines were no longer in Afghanistan and Iraq in a war against Muslim radical insurgents but in Poland with Russia as the new «enemy». The optics simply do not match Trump’s statements about seeking closer ties with Russia.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n

Trump has indicated he hopes to increase the U.S. \u00ab\u00a0defense\u00a0\u00bb budget to accommodate a 90,000 troop increase in Army ranks; a 350-ship Navy, including new aircraft carriers at $12 billion per vessel; an increase in Marine Corps battalions from 23 to 36; and 100 additional advanced fighter planes for the Air Force. That is equivalent to an increase in the military budget from $500 billion to $1 trillion over a ten-year period.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n

Essentially, Trump’s national security team desires a military that can fight both Russia and China and that can be able to match every Russian and Chinese warplane, tank, and naval vessel in a battle space.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n

Trump and his national security team of National Security Adviser Michael Flynn, Mattis, and other war hawks are also laying the ground for a military confrontation with Iran. Team Trump has helped ratchet up tensions with Iran by authorizing the sale to Saudi Arabia of $300 million worth of precision-guided missiles and billions of dollars of advanced F-16 fighters to Saudi Arabia’s vassal state of Bahrain. These packages were suspended by the Obama administration because of Saudi war crimes in Yemen and Bahrain’s bloody suppression of its Shi’a majority. Trump is greenlighting continued Saudi genocidal aggression in Yemen’s civil war. The Saudis and Bahrainis are now being positioned by Trump to gain a military advantage over Iran. Trump’s executive order banning Iraqis with valid U.S. visas, refugee documents, and, originally, permanent U.S. resident «green cards», irritated the Iraqi government, an ally of Iran, to the point that it vowed to limit Iraqi visas for U.S. contractors and journalists. That will only embolden Islamic State and Al Qaeda irregulars fighting U.S. military forces in the country. Anything that threatens the Baghdad government is welcome news to the Saudi regime.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n

Trump, in a phone call with Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, emphasized close U.S.-Turkish relations. In July 2016, after an attempted coup against Erdogan, Trump, in an interview with The New York Times, praised Erdogan’s handling of the insurrection. Since the coup attempt, Erdogan has ordered the arrest and imprisonment of hundreds of journalists, military and police officers, professors, civil servants, politicians, and businessmen for allegedly supporting the so-called \u00ab\u00a0Fethullah Terrorist Organization\u00a0\u00bb (FETO), a pejorative term for those affiliated with Turkish exile leader and former Erdogan ally Fethullah Gulen. Gulen is currently exiled in Pennsylvania and has been under the protection of the Central Intelligence Agency. However, Flynn and others part of the Trump security apparatus favor extraditing Gulen, a political refugee, to Turkey to face trial and certain imprisonment, torture, and possibly, execution.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n

Trump’s dalliance with Erdogan will also jeopardize the safety of the Kurdish forces in Syria, which have been allied with the United States against the Islamic State, and the Kurdish Regional Government in Erbil in Iraq. Turkey considers the Syrian and Iraqi Kurds to be supporters of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) and if Trump sides with Erdogan against Kurdistan it will represent another double-cross by Washington of that beleaguered unrecognized nation. U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger abandoned the Kurds in the 1970s when he sacrificed their interests to the Iraqi military regime.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n

Trump’s chief strategist Stephen Bannon is believed to have gotten involved in an internal \u00ab\u00a0civil war\u00a0\u00bb within the Vatican and which saw a virtual takeover of the Sovereign Military Order of Malta (SMOM) in Rome by Pope Francis. Bannon opposes what he considers the Pope’s \u00ab\u00a0socialist ways\u00a0\u00bb. The Vatican may be a micro-state without a grand army, but a fracture in Vatican-Washington relations can only have a negative impact on the EU, NATO, and other traditional alliances.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n

Trump’s rejection of the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) trade deal has thrown the Asia-Pacific region into \u00ab\u00a0controlled chaos\u00a0\u00bb. Mattis’s first foreign trip as Secretary of Defense was to reassure South Korea and Japan of America’s military commitment. But the abandonment of the TPP by its largest cheerleader, the United States, has provided impetus to China’s alternative trading bloc, the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP). America’s longtime ally Australia, a supporter of the TPP, is now anxious to join the RCEP. Trump’s bellicose phone call with Australian Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull over a refugee swap, has Australia incensed with Trump. While they are friendly adversaries with Australia over sports and national pride, New Zealand came to Australia’s defense in its spat with Trump. The bottom line is that the ANZUS alliance is now severely damaged but, in any event, it had long outlived its usefulness.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n

Other testy phone exchanges between Trump and German chancellor Angela Merkel and French president Francois Hollande also shook Euro-Atlantic bonds with Washington. Trump thundered to Hollande that the French and other NATO countries should pay the U.S. back for NATO expenditures. European Council president Donald Tusk called Trump a \u00ab\u00a0threat\u00a0\u00bb to the European Union.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n

After a meeting at the White House with Jordan’s King Abdullah, Trump shocked the Israeli government when he told Israel that it should stop announcing new settlements in the West Bank. While Trump’s rhetoric suggests that he is the most pro-Israeli president to ever occupy the White House, his mercurial attitude toward Israel has some Middle East observers wondering whether Trump’s promise to move the U.S. embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem is merely window-dressing for a different U.S. policy in the region.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n

The venerable, but relatively staid and useless OAS, headquartered in Washington, is not likely to survive Trump’s promise to build a wall on the U.S.-Mexican border or his saber-rattling toward Cuba, which has returned to the OAS and the Inter-American political system. Latin America and the Caribbean has more worthwhile alternatives to the OAS, including the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America, Southern Common Market (MERCOSUR), and the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC), all of which are free of U.S. membership and influence.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n

It is a new global disorder but in this chaos, a return to a multipolar world and the end of \u00ab\u00a0sole U.S. superpower\u00a0\u00bb status may be a blessing in the long run. In the short run, however, the chaos will confuse every foreign ministry and international organization bureaucracy on every continent.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n

Wayne Madsen<\/h4><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Philosophie de l’hyperd\u00e9sordre global Commen\u00e7ons par de l’in\u00e9dit, bien dans la mani\u00e8re du pr\u00e9sident Trump. Depuis deux ou trois semaines flottait la pr\u00e9vision qu’Elliott Abrams allait occuper le poste-clef du d\u00e9partement, derri\u00e8re le Secr\u00e9taire d’État, d’adjoint au Secr\u00e9taire d’État ; il s’agit de la fonction qui permet d’op\u00e9rationnaliser toutes les grandes tendances politiques du d\u00e9partement,… <\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"","ping_status":"","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"neve_meta_sidebar":"","neve_meta_container":"","neve_meta_enable_content_width":"","neve_meta_content_width":0,"neve_meta_title_alignment":"","neve_meta_author_avatar":"","neve_post_elements_order":"","neve_meta_disable_header":"","neve_meta_disable_footer":"","neve_meta_disable_title":"","footnotes":""},"categories":[14],"tags":[12496,12774,12773,4811,6208,2730,2639,1296,4400],"class_list":["post-77089","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-ouverture-libre","tag-brexit","tag-chaos-nouveau","tag-hyperdesordre","tag-madsen","tag-obama","tag-russie","tag-trump","tag-ukraine","tag-wayne"],"jetpack_featured_media_url":"","_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/77089","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=77089"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/77089\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=77089"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=77089"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.dedefensa.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=77089"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}